Object clitics and clitic climbing in Italian HPSG 
Paola Monachesi * 
Tilburg University - CLS/ITK 
Postbus 90153, 5000 LE Tilburg, Nederland 
e-mail: paola@kub.nl 
1 Introduction 
Italian object clitics can be involved in nonlocal de- 
pendencies in the sense that they must/may appear 
on a verbal head of which they are not an argument. 
Two cases where this situation arises will be dis- 
cussed: the first is due to the presence of an auxiliary 
verb and the second is triggered by the presence of a 
certain class of verbs that allows clitic climbing. 
An analysis will be proposed within the framework 
of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar \[Pollard 
and Sag, 1987; Pollard and Sag, 1993\]; it can be 
shown that an analysis in terms of nonlocal fea- 
tures and the Nonlocal Feature Principle, which is 
the mechanism provided by HPSG to deal with non- 
local dependencies, does not provide a satisfactory 
account of the phenomenon; it is too powerful. An 
alternative approach will be proposed; it is based on 
the idea that the arguments of a verb which is gov- 
erned by an auxiliary or clitic climbing trigger verb 
can be raised to become arguments of the governor 
by a mechanism that achieves an effect similar to 
functional composition as developed within the tra- 
dition of Categorial Grammar. This approach is able 
to capture the right generalizations, to account for 
the relevant data and can be easily extended to ac- 
count for long NP-movement which is another prop- 
erty of clitic climbing trigger verbs. 
2 Some linguistic properties of 
Italian clitics 
There are arguments similar to the ones proposed by 
\[Miller, 1992a\] for French showing that Italian clitics 
exhibit many properties that make them very simi- 
lar to inflectional affixes; the arguments are mainly 
based on \[Zwicky and Pullum, 1983\]. The coordina- 
tion criteria proposed by \[Miller, 1992b\] can also be 
used to support this position. 
Italian clitics exhibit a high degree of selection 
with respect to their host; they can only attach to 
verbs. 
They present arbitrary gaps in their combination, 
since not all the combinations are allowed, behaving 
therefore like affixes; in particular, it is not possi- 
ble to have a first or second person accusative clitic 
together with a dative one. 
Italian clitics also exhibit morphophonological id- 
iosyncrasies: vowel deletion occurs when clitics like 
lo and la occur in front of a vowel initial stem. This 
applies also to ml, tl, el, vi, li and si; but mainly in 
"Supported by a grant from the Center for Language 
Studies (CLS). 
grammar 
spoken language. Certain changes also occur when 
more than one clitic is present, namely the final -i 
of a clitic is changed into -e if it is followed by an- 
other clitic which begins with 1- or n-. Sequencing of 
identical clitics is not permitted in Italian, therefore 
certain changes occur as in the combination of two 
si or of two vi where one becomes ci. Furthermore, 
if the third person dative feminine clitic le precedes 
a clitic beginning with l- or n-, the masculine dative 
form gli is used instead of the feminine one. 
Other evidence for the affixal status of clitics 
comes from coordination. Italian clitics cannot have 
wide scope over coordination of verbs; the following 
is not possible: 
(1) * Maria 1o comprera' e leggera' 
Maria cl.(acc) will buy and will read 
'Maria will buy and read it' 
The clitic should be repeated in front of each verb 
behaving like an affix according to the coordination 
criterium developed by \[Miller, 1992b\]. 
Italian clitics are rigidly ordered in a fiat clitic clus- 
ter, adhering to the following ordering: 
(2) Clitics order in Italian 
mi < \[3 per.dat.\] < vi < ti < ci 
< si tell. < \[3 per.ace\] < si imp. 
< ne 
Rigid ordering of elements has often been related to 
the status of morphological affix. 
The data presented above show evidence in favour 
of an analysis of Italian pronominal clitics as inflec- 
tional affixes; 1 this will be the assumption underlying 
both of the analyses which will be presented in the 
following sections. 
As already mentioned above, Italian clitics cluster 
around the verb; they precede it if the verb is finite 
and follow it if the verb is non-finite or an imperative. 
If there is an auxiliary, the clitic doesn't attach to 
the verb that subcategorizes for it, but cliticizes to 
the auxiliary as in: 
(3) Maria 1' ha mangiato 
Maria cl.(acc) has eaten 
'Maria has eaten it' 
1Italian clitics can appear both in proditic and in en- 
clitic position; it could be argued that this alternation is 
not typical of affixes. Data from Afar, Swazi and Ara- 
bic show that in these languages there are dual position 
affixes. 
437 
If in the main clause there is a restructuring verb 
\[Rizzi, 1982\], namely a verb which belongs to one of 
the following classes: modals, temporal aspectu- 
als, pure motion verbs, the clitic can attach to 
the main verb, but it can also attach to the verb in 
the embedded sentence: 
(4) a. Maria lo vuole comprare 
Maria cl.(acc) wants to buy 
'Maria wants to buy it' 
b. Maria vuole comprarlo 
Maria wants to buy cl.(acc) 
'Maria wants to buy it' 
If there is more than one verb that belongs to one of 
the classes mentioned above, the clitic can attach to 
the lower verb or climb to the middle position or all 
the way up. 
Since clitic climbing is triggered by the restructur- 
ing verbs, the following will be ungrammatical be- 
cause the main verb does not belong to this class: 
(5) * Maria lo decide di leggere 
Maria cl.(acc) decides to read 
'Maria decides to read it' 
As for their distribution, Italian clitics are in com- 
plementary distribution with full phrases as comple- 
ments of a lexicM head; so a sentence like the follow- 
ing will not be grammatical: 2 
(6) * Maria 1o da' il libro a Giovanni 
Maria cl.(acc) gives the book to Giovanni 
'Maria it gives the book to Giovanni' 
3 A treatment in terms of nonlocal 
features 
As was shown by the examples in the previous sec- 
tion, in certain cases a clitic corresponding to the 
complement of a head is not present on that head, 
but on a higher node: clitics can thus be involved in 
nonlocal dependencies. HPSG has a syntactic mech- 
anism to account for Unbounded Dependency Con- 
structions, namely the Nonlocal Feature Princi- 
ple and the use of NONLOCAL features, which are 
analogous to the Foot Feature Principle and to 
the FOOT features used in GPSG \[Gazdar et al., 
1985\]. Therefore it seems a reasonable choice to use 
the same mechanism to handle cases ofnonlocal de- 
pendencies involving clitics. 3 
As discussed above, Italian pronominal clitics are 
in complementary distribution with full phrases as 
2If the full phrase is left (or right) dislocated, its cooc- 
currence with a clitic pronoun is possible. See \[Sanfilippo, 
1990\] for an analysis of this type of constructions within 
the Unification Categorial Grammar framework. 
3See \[Monachesi, 1992\] for a more detailed description 
of the analysis and \[Miller, 1992a\] for a similar analysis of 
related facts in French within a GPSG/HPSG framework. 
complements of a lexical head; they must therefore 
fulfill the subcategorization requirements of the head 
of which they are a semantic argument. Further- 
more, the information that the clitic will appear at 
some point in the tree must be encoded if a verb that 
triggers clitic climbing is present. 
A lexical rule can be used for this purpose; 4 it 
will operate on the subcategorization list, removing 
the slot related to the relevant full complement and 
adding a nonlocal feature OC (object clitic) which 
encodes case and agreement information of the clitic. 
Since this is a nonlocal feature, its value can perco- 
late up the tree according to the Nonlocal Feature 
Principle \[Pollard and Sag, 1993\]: 
(7) Nonlocal Feature Principle 
For each nonlocal feature, the INHERITED 
value on the mother is the union of the IN- 
HERITED values on the daughters minus the 
TO-BIND value on the head daughter. 
A TO-BINDIOC feature is assigned to the cliticized 
verb form and will have as its value the agreement 
and case information relative to the clitic. If there is 
identity of values between the TO-BINDIOC feature 
and the INHER\]OC feature the percolation of the 
latter will be stopped and the dependency will be 
bound off. Therefore, for a sentence like (4a), the 
following representation will be produced: 
(8) Example of derivation 
VP \[TO~OC{}\] 
V \[TO-BINDIOC {\[11}1 VP\[INHIOC {\[11}1 t ' 
V\[INHI~C 1\[1\]}\] 
lo vole comprare 
This treatment can account for the following cases: 
• cases with an auxiliary: the clitic must climb 
in order to attach to it; 
• cases with a verb that allows clitic climbing: the 
clitic may climb to attach to it. 
However, the mechanism as it has been sketched 
so far will overgenerate allowing clitic climbing also 
with verbs that do not trigger it; a sentence like (5) 
will be accepted. It is necessary to add specific local- 
ity constraints on the path of the OC feature in order 
4In the framework developed in Chapter 9 of \[Pollard 
and Sag, 1993\], lexical rules are also used in the treatment 
of Unbounded Dependency Constructions to produce an 
analysis that doesn't make use of empty categories. 
438 
to make the right predictions, namely the percolatio n 
of the feature must be stopped if there is a verb that 
doesn't trigger clitic climbing and must he allowed if 
there is a verb that triggers clitic climbing. It seems 
therefore that this approach doesn't naturally cap- 
ture the fact that clitic climbing is triggered only by 
a specific class of verbs since constraints need to be 
imposed to obtain this result. This fact can be easily 
captured by an approach in terms of functional com- 
position which will be described in the next section. 
4 A functional composition approach 
to clitic climbing 
The idea that underlies the approach was originally 
presented by \[Hinrichs and Nakazawa, 1990\] for the 
treatment of the German verb cluster. They argue 
that the arguments of a verb which is governed by an 
auxiliary can be raised to become arguments of the 
auxiliary. They achieve this by making crucial use 
of the notion of structure sharing which is character- 
istic of unification-based formalisms such as HPSG. 
The effect is similar to functional composition as de- 
veloped within Categorial Grammar. 
This approach can he extended to clitics in order 
to account for the clitic climbing cases producing an 
analysis which captures intuitions similar to the ones 
underlying a restructuring analysis \[Rizzi, 1982\] and 
a clause reduction one \[Aissen and Perlmutter, 1983\]. 
In this case, the arguments of a verb which is gov- 
erned by an auxiliary or clitic climbing trigger can be 
raised to become arguments of the governor. It will 
he shown that the approach can handle the relevant 
data concerning clitic climbing adequately and that 
it can account naturally for the fact that only certain 
verbs can trigger clitic climbing. Furthermore, it can 
easily be extended to account for another property 
of restructuring verbs, namely the possibility of al- 
lowing for long NP-movement as in \[Rizzi, 1982\]. 
4.1 The analysis 
The analysis is based on the assumption, previously 
motivated, that Italian clitics behave in a way simi- 
lar to inflectional affixes. This implies that the verb 
forms a unit with the clitic and such combination 
should be accounted for in the morphological mod- 
ule. An account in terms of template morphology as 
in \[Simpson and Withgott, 1986\] could handle the 
rigid ordering of the clities and the restrictions in 
combination. 
As discussed above, clitics and full complements 
are in complementary distribution in Italian: the 
clitic should fill the relevant slot in the subcatego- 
rization requirements so that no full complement can 
occur. On the assumption that clitics behave like 
inflectional affixes and not as syntactically indepen- 
dent elements, it is necessary to have a way to remove 
the subcategorization slot related to the full comple- 
ment if a clitic is present. The Valence princi- 
pie, which is the principle of the grammar respon- 
sible for checking off subcategorization requirements 
that have been satisfied, cannot be used in this case 
since the clitic doesn't have the status of a syntac- 
tic element. 5 A lexical rule (LRCL1) can be used 
instead; namely given a verb that subcategorizes for 
a certain argument, the argument is removed from 
the subcategorization list but the equivalent clitic 
must be present, attached to the verb as proposed 
by \[Miller and Sag, 1993\] for French. The lexical rule 
triggers the presence of the clitic as verb inflection 
and acts as an interface to morphology. It should 
look roughly as follows: 
(9) Input oflexical rule (LRCL1) 
HEAD V \] 
COMPS( .... X .... ) 
CLTS W 
(10) Output of lexical rule (LRCL1) 
HEAD V \] 
COMPS( ... ) 
CLTS W U {X} 
Therefore, when the clitic attaches to the verb that 
subcategorizes for it, it cliticizes on the host in the 
morphological component and the relevant slot is re- 
moved from the subcategorization list by means of 
the lexical rule. 
When clitics are involved in nonloeal dependen- 
cies, namely when the clitic attaches to a head which 
doesn't subcategorize for it, the argument raising 
comes into play in addition to LRCL1. 
This analysis will look at two cases where this sit- 
uation arises: the case where an auxiliary verb is 
present and the case where a restructuring verb is 
present. 
In this treatment, auxiliaries and verbs that trigger 
clitic climbing subcategorize for a non-finite VP com- 
plement and for the complements of the VP; the con- 
struction of a partial VP must therefore he allowed. 6 
SThe analysis is carried out within the framework of 
Chapter 9 of \[Pollard and Sag, 1993\] which incorporates 
innovations due to Borsley \[Borsley, 1987; Borsley, 1989\]. 
The analysis makes use of valence features which encode 
the subcategorization requirements of the sign. 
eThis imphes the parameterization for Italian of 
Schema 2 in order to allow partially saturated phrases. 
(Compare \[Pollard, 1990\]). Schema 2 describes phrases 
consisting of a lexical head daughter and any number of 
complement daughters. One problem which is related to 
having a VP as complement is that of spurious ambigu- 
ity if a non clitic complement is present. The possibility 
of having a V as complement instead of a VP is under 
investigation; see also \[Rizzi, 1982\] which postulates the 
presence of a V if restructuring has applied. Under this 
439 
Auxiliaries should have a lexical entry like the fol- 
lowing (only relevant features are mentioned): 7 
(11) Lexical entry for auxiliary verb 
HEAD V \[+ AUX\] SUBJ <\[-i'\] N P tnoml ) 
COMPS(\[~\] VP SUBJ(E\]NP ) 
COMPS L 
(+) L ) 
The \[-CL\] restriction prevents an auxiliary from com- 
bining with a VP whose head has already combined 
with a clitic, since all cliticized verb forms are speci- 
fied as \[+CL\] in the lexicon. In the case of auxiliaries, 
clitic climbing is obligatory and a sentence like the 
following must be ruled out: 
(12) * Maria ha lettolo 
Maria has read cl.(acc) 
'Maria has read it' 
The \[-CL\] lexical specification on the VP complement 
selected by the auxiliary achieves this purpose; let- 
tolo will be marked as \[+CL\] and will consequently 
not meet the specifications of the lexical entry for 
auxiliaries which forces the verbal complement to be 
\[-CL\]. Sentence (12) will be correctly ruled out. The 
combination of a clitic with a past participle cannot 
be ruled out in general in Italian, since the following 
sentence is grammatical: 
(13) Vistolo, fu facile decidere 
Seenpa,t.part cl., was easy to decide 
'Having seen him, it was easy to decide' 
It is only when the past participle combines with the 
auxiliary that the clitic must attach to the latter. 
As for semantic role assignment, it proceeds in a 
very straightforward way. In HPSG roles are as- 
signed within the lexical entry: a role is assigned by 
means of structure sharing between the index of an 
element in the SUBJ/COMPS list and the value of 
some attribute of the verb's CONTENT value. Role 
assignment, as well as case assignment, occurs within 
the lexicon. If a clitic is present, it will be assigned 
semantic role and case through the link created via 
structure sharing. 
An example will be given to illustrate the mecha- 
nism and the interaction of the two lexical rules in 
hypothesis it won't be necessary to parameterize Schema 
2 and the spurious ambiguity will be avoided, at least 
with auxiliaries, if all complements of the past partici- 
ple are forced to rMse. See \[AbeiUe and Godard, 1993\] 
for a similar solution for French. Furthermore, the use 
of the \[-CL\] feature (see below) imposed on the comple- 
ment of a restructuring verb is also superfluous under the 
assumption that all the complements of V should raise. 
7Here L stands for the list of complements subcatego- 
rized by the lower verb. 
the analysis of a sentence like (3). In this case the 
verb ha has the following complement list: 
(14) Example of the complement list of ha 
COMPS < VP \[COMPS <iP\[acc\]>\], NP \[acc\] > 
The auxiliary verb takes a VP and the NP argu- 
ment of the VP which was not realized within it. 
This will undergo LRCL1 to produce the following 
for the cliticized verb form l'ha, where the slot re- 
lated to the NP is removed from the subcategoriza- 
tion requirement of the auxiliary and the presence of 
the clitic is imposed: 
(15) Example of the complement list of l' ha 
COMPS < VP \[COMPS <NP\[acc\]>\]> 
Clitic climbing with restructuring verbs can be 
handled by the same mechanism, but in this case 
the climbing of the clitic is optional. In such a situ- 
ation a lexical rule can be used; given the following 
input (only relevant features are mentioned): 
(16) Input of lexical rule (LRCL2) 
HEAD V 
VCLASS modal;aspect ual;motion 
SUBJ(NP\[~) 
COMPS(F\]VP \[ SUBJ( NPVi\]) \]COMPS L 
This will be the output produced (only relevant fea- 
tures are mentioned): 
(17) Output of lexical rule (LRCL2) 
HEAD V 
VCLASS modal;aspectual;motion 
SUBJ(NP~) \[\[-CL\] \] 
COMPS(~\] VP SUBJ(NPri \] ) 
COMPS L 
(+) L ) 
The left hand side (input) of the lexical rule accounts 
for cases where the clitic doesn't climb as in sen- 
tence (4b); in this case there is no argument raising 
and LRCLI applies, checking off the slot related to 
the full complement and triggering the cliticized verb 
form. If clitic climbing occurs as in (4a), there is ar- 
gument raising and the right hand side (output) of 
the lexical rule will account for it; in this specific case 
the restructuring verb will subcategorize for the ver- 
bal complement and for the argument of the verbal 
complement. Again LRCL1 will trigger the cliticized 
verb form. 
Clitic climbing trigger verbs also subcategorize for 
a VP \[-CL\]; this avoids sentences where there are 
440 
two clitics with one attaching to the lower verb and 
the other to the higher one. In Italian, if there are 
two clitics that originate as complements of the same 
verb, they must cliticize together: 
(18) a. Piero voleva darmelo 
Piero wanted to give cl.(dat) cl.(acc) 
'Piero wanted to give it to me' 
b. Piero me lo voleva dare 
Piero cl.(dat) cl.(acc) wanted to give 
'Piero wanted to give it to me' 
The clitics cannot be split: 
(19) * Piero lo voleva darmi 
Piero cl.(acc) wanted to give cl.(dat) 
'Piero wanted to give it to me' 
The restriction on the VP doesn't allow argument 
raising if the VP already has a clitic as its daugh- 
ter. In the specific case of sentence (19), darmi will 
be marked as \[+CL\] and will not match the require- 
ments imposed by the right hand side of LRCL2; 
therefore no argument raising will take place and the 
sentence will be correctly ruled out. As for (18a) and 
(18b) they will be handled by the left hand side and 
by the right hand side of LRCL2 respectively. Lexi- 
cal rule LRCL1 will be responsible in both cases for 
the cliticized verb form. 
If there is more than one restructuring verb, one 
can get sequences like the following, where the clitic 
is attached to the higher verb: 
(20) Maria lo vuole poter comprare 
Maria cl.(acc) wants can buy 
'Maria wants to be able to buy it' 
The application of lexical rule LRCL2 is therefore 
triggered twice so that the higher verb will subcate- 
gorize also for the complement of the lower one. Lex- 
ical rule LRCL1 will be responsible for the cliticized 
verb form. 
An advantage of this approach is that the possi- 
bility of subcategorizing for the complements of the 
lower VP is restricted to auxiliary and clitic climbing 
trigger verbs. Therefore a sentence like (5) will be 
ruled out since the main verb is not lexically marked 
as a clitic climbing trigger and will not undergo lex- 
ical rule LRCL2 which allows argument raising. In 
this way the fact that clitic climbing occurs only with 
certain verbs can be naturally captured by the mech- 
anism; only auxiliary verbs and restructuring verbs 
will trigger argument raising and no special locality 
constraints are necessary. 
4.2 Extensions 
Restructuring verbs as in \[Rizzi, 1982\] not only have 
the property of allowing clitic climbing, they also al- 
low long NP-movement as in: 
(21) Queste case si vogliono vendere a caro 
These houses SI want to sell at high 
prezzo 
price 
'These houses are wanted to be sold at high 
price' 
In this kind of construction the object of the lower 
verb, queste case, is allowed to raise and become the 
subject of the main verb; this option being avail- 
able only with restructuring verbs. It can be shown 
that a functional composition approach can easily 
account for this kind of construction, s Lexical rule 
Llq.CL2 allows raising of the NP object of the lower 
VP which becomes a complement of the restructur- 
ing verb. The clitic si acts as a passivizing ele- 
ment in this kind of construction and will trigger 
the HPSG mechanism that handles passive construc- 
tions; namely a lexical rule that acts on the subcat- 
egorization requirements of the relevant verb, mak- 
ing the object become the subject as in \[Pollard and 
Sag, 1987\]. The NP object will therefore become the 
subject of the restructuring verb and agreement will 
be handled by the usual mechanism responsible for 
subject-verb agreement. 
5 Conclusion 
An analysis for the treatment of clitic climbing in 
Italian has been proposed. It relies on the idea that 
auxiliaries and clitic climbing trigger verbs subcat- 
egorize for a VP and for the raised complements of 
the VP. This analysis allows a unified treatment for 
the simple cases, namely when a clitic attaches to 
a host that subcategorizes for it and for the cases 
where clitics are involved in nonlocal dependencies. 
It has been shown that the analysis rules out ill- 
formed sentences. It is not necessary to state specific 
constraints that would be required in a treatment 
based on nonlocal features and the Nonlocal Feature 
Principle, which is another possible way to handle 
nonlocal dependencies in HPSG. Furthermore, the 
approach can easily account for another property of 
restructuring verbs namely long NP-movement. 
Acknowledgments 
I am grateful to Anne Abeille, Hap Kolb, Philip 
Miller, Ivan Sag, Wietske Sijtsma and to a number 
of collegues from ITK and GM for comments and 
discussion. 
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