Mental State Adjectives: the Perspective of Generative 
Lexicon 
Pierrette Bouillon 
ISSCO, University of Geneva 
54, route des Acacias 
1227 Geneva, Switzerland 
pb~divsun, unige, ch 
Abstract 
This paper focusses on mental state ad- 
jectives and offers a unified analysis in 
the theory of Generative Lexicon (Puste- 
jovsky, 1991, 1995). We show that, in- 
stead of enumerating the various syntac- 
tic constructions they enter into, with 
the different senses which arise, it is pos- 
sible to give them a rich typed semantic 
representation which will explain both 
their semantic and syntactic polymor- 
phism. 
1 Introduction 
Recently, work in computational semantics and 
lexical semantics has made an interesting shift. 
Motivated by a concern for lexical organization 
and global coherence in the structure of lexicon, 
some researchers have moved towards nlore ex- 
pressive semantic descriptions, as well as more 
powerful methods of combining them (see for ex- 
ample Pustejovsky, 1991, 1995; Briscoe, 1993). 
This article will exploit one of these theories, 
The Generative Lezicon (GL: Pustejovsky, 1995), 
and extend it for the treatment of French mental 
adjectives. The following section summarizes the 
problematic behaviour of these adjectives. The 
GL approach is then described, and a GL analysis 
of the data. 
2 The Data 
Mental adjectives which denote an emotional 
state or a competence (agent-oriented, fol- 
lowing Ernst, 1983) present interesting syntactic 
and semantic polymorphic behaviour, as noted in 
the literature (see for example Leh~er, 1990 and 
Croft, 1984). In this paper, we focus on the rep- 
resentative members of these classes in I and Ih 
We would like to thank James Pustejovsky for exten- 
sire discussions on the data presented in this article. 
Thanks also to Laurence Danlos and Graham Russell 
for their conunents. 
I Emotional adjectives: triste 'sad', furieuz 
'angry, furious', irritg 'irritated', heureuz 
'happy', ennuyg 'bored'. 
II Agent-orlented adjectives: intelligent, 
ingdnieuz 'clever', habile 'skilful', adroit 'dex- 
trous'. 
Both classes of adjectives exhibit the property 
of syntactic polyvalency, being able to appear 
in several distinct contexts, with optional com- 
plement structures (as illustrated in (1), (2) and 
(3)). In the case of agent-oriented adjectives, 
the complement expresses the manifestation of 
the state and call be realized as an infinitive with 
d/pour or de (examples (2a,b)) or a prepositional 
phrase (2c): (2a,b,c)means that somebody is skil- 
ful in what he does or how he does it (see Croft, 
1984). 
(1) Cet homme est triste/habile/furieux 
"This man is sad/clever/angry TM 
(2) a. Cet homme est habile de partir 
"This man is skilful to leave" 
b. Cet homme est habile £/pour tricher 
"This man is skilful at cheating" 
c. Cet homme est habile au bridge 
"This man is skilful at bridge" 
In the case of emotional state adjectives, this 
complement typically expresses the cause of the 
emotional state and may be realized as an de- 
infinitive or a que-sentence: (3a,b), for exam- 
ple, means that somebody is sad/angry because of 
something. Notice however that, in some contexts, 
the complement can also refer to the manifesta- 
tion of the state, as for agent-orlented adjec- 
tives (3c). 
(3) a. Cet homme est triste/furieux de partir 
"This man is sad/angry to leave" 
b. Cet homme cst triste/furieux que tu 
partes 
"This man is sad/angry that you are leav- 
ing" 
1 We give in quotes a literal translation of the French 
examples. 
143 
c. Cet hoInme est triste en jouant an piano 
"This man is sad at playing piano" 
Another property exhibited by these adjectives 
is that of multiple semantic selection: that 
is, they are able to predicate of different semantic 
types (examples (4) to (7)), namely nouns denot- 
ing individuals (the 'a' examples), objects (b) 
and events (c). This can however not be general- 
ized to the whole class of mental states adjectives, 
as shown by (7), for example. 
(4) a. Un homme triste "A sad man" 
b. Un livre triste "A sad book" 
e. Un examen triste "A sad exam" 
(5) a. Un homme furieux "An angry man" 
b. Un livre furieux "A furious book" 
c. Une destruction furieuse "A furious de- 
struction" 
(6) a. Un homme ingdnieux "A clever man" 
b. Un livre ing6nieux "An clever book" 
c. Un examen ing~nieux "An clever exam" 
(7) a. Un homme irritfi/ennuyfi 
"An irritated/bored man" 
b. *Un livre irrit~/ennuy6 
"An irritated/bored book" 
c. *Une destruction irritde/ennuyfi 
"An irritated/bored destruction" 
Finally, the third interesting property mani- 
fested by these adjectives is their pattern of pol- 
ysemy. They exhibit different senses depending 
on the semantic type of the item modified: when 
they predicate of an individual, they normally de- 
note the mental state of this individual (8) (but 
see example (12)). 
(8) Un homme triste/ing~nieux/furieux 
"A sad/clever/angry nlan" 
-~ which is in a sad/clever/angry state 
When they modify an event or an object, they 
can take either a causative (gb) or a manifesta- 
tion sense (9c, 10e and 11c). In the former case, 
the object or event is the cause of the stat% while 
in the latter it is the manifestation of the state. In 
some specific contexts, the causative sense is also 
possible with individuals (12). 
(9) Un livre/voyage triste 
"A sad book/travel" 
a. -- *which is in a state of sadness 
b. -~ which causes somebody to be sad 
c. --~ which is a nranifestation ofsomebody's 
sadness 
(10) Un livre/voyage ingfinieux 
"A clever book/journey" 
a. ~ *which is in a state of cleverness 
b. -~ *which causes somebody to be clever 
e. -~ which is a manifestation of the some- 
body's cleverness 
(11) Un(e) livre/destrnction furienx(se) 
"A furious book/destruction" 
a. --, *which is in a state of anger 
b. --~ *which causes somebody to be angry 
e. -~ which is a manifestation ofsomebody's 
anger 
(12) Un holnnle triste h voir 
"A sad man to see" 
a. -~ *who is in a state of sadness 
b. ~ the sight of whom causes somebody to 
be sad 
A complication arises with respect to the pol- 
ysemous behaviour of emotion adjectives, in that 
when they modify an object or an event (9, 10), 
they can have both the causal and the manifesta- 
tion senses (gb,e). For some emotion adjectives as 
furieux (11), the manifestation sense is even the 
only one available (llc). 
The remainder of this paper will present an ex- 
planation of the syntactic and semantic behaviour 
of these adjectives within the framework of Gen- 
erative Lexicon theory (henceforth GL). In par- 
titular, instead of enumerating all syntactic con- 
structions and the different senses for these ad- 
jectives, we will provide a rich typed semantic 
representation which explains both the semantic 
and the syntactic polymorphism associated with 
these classes. This representation and the way to 
project it at the syntax level will be the focus of 
the following section. 
3 Mental Adjectives in Generative 
Lexicon 
3.1 General approach 
In the rest of the article, we will propose the fop 
lowing approach: 
(a) to distinguish emotion adjectives and 
agent-oriented adjectives by means of 
their qualia structure; 
(b) to represent the semantic ambiguity of men- 
tal adjectives by use of dotted types (Puste- 
jovsky 1995, chapter 6.2); 
(e) to explain specific semantic selection by the 
notion of headedness (Pustejovsky 1995, 
chapter 5.3). 
The two first points will be the object of section 
3.2 and the third one of 3.3. Section 4 will then 
focus on emotion adjectives. 
,3.2 Two kinds of adjective with dotted 
type 
The emotional state (I) and agent-orlented 
(Ii) adjectives will be given the GL representa- 
tions (13) and (14), respectively. 
144 
(13) 
" emotian_adj 
EVENTSTR = 
ARGSTR :: I 
QUALIA = \[ 
E1 = el:state 
D_E: = e2 :experiencing_ov 
D_E2 = e3 :intellec-act_sv RESTR = 
e2 < el < e3 
ARGI = x:human \] D_ARG\] = 
e2/e3 l 
(et.e2).(eLe3)aep 1 FOIrMAI~ = Adj(el,x) 
Tma(; = P(e3,x,...) 
AGI~NTIVI~ m P(e2,x,...) 
(\]4) 
agent-oriented adj 
El :: el:state 
EVI.;NTS'PR : D_E1 :: e3 :intellsc-act_ev 
RleSTII_ = el < 03 
\[AI\[G 1 :: x : human \] AIrGSq.'tt 
= \])_ARG1 := 03 
el.egAcp \] 
QUALIA = FORMAL = A(\[\](e\]\[,x) \[ 
TgI.IC = P(e.3,x,y) J 
These structures encode several different aspects 
of the semantics for these adjectives. 
The event structure (EVENTSTtL) indicates 
that mental adjectives have a complex event struc- 
ture. They denote n, cntal state (el) (examlJes 
(1) to (3)), but they are also able to make refer- 
ence to events, the cause of the state (c2) and/or 
its manifestation (ca) (as shown in examples (4) 
to (7)). The Restr(iction) relation indicates the 
temporal precedence between the state and the 
two events: the cause (e2) must precede the state 
and the manifestation (e3) must follow it. The 
two events are default events, as the adjective ~:e- 
mains a state, even when it; has a causative sense, 
contrary to real transitions (a.ecomplishnw.nt or 
achievement), like eouler 'sink', for example (as 
pointed out in Pustejovsky, 1995, chapter \]0) 
The argument structure (AltC~STIQ specifies 
that mentM adjectives select; for two arguments, 
one for human (argl) and a second for event 
(see Croft, 11984, for a similar view). The second 
is a default argument (D_argJ) as it need not to be 
present at the syntactic level (as shown in exam- 
pies (1)). As agent-oriented adjectives refer 
to the manifestation of the state (examples (2)), 
the second argmnent is e3, the event which follows 
the state. It is subtyped as an intellectual act. For 
emotion adjeetlves, the second argument is c2 
or e3, as they can refer either to the manifestation 
of the. state (example (3e)) or its cause (examples 
(3a,b)). e2 is subtyped as an experiencing event, 
as we consider that the cause of an emotion cor- 
responds to the experiencing of sonlething. I,'ol- 
lowing Croft (1990), we think that there are two 
processes implied in a causal emotional state: an 
cxperiencer must direct his or her attention to a 
stimulus and this causes the experiencer to enter 
ill a mental state. 
The qualla structure (QUALIA) encodes the 
basic semantic type of a word (its Lexical Coil- 
ceptual Paradigm, or LCP) and specifics how it is 
linked to other events and arguments of the event 
and argument structures (see Pustejovsky, 1995, 
chapter 6). To do this, it call use four possible dif- 
ferent roles: the FORMAL role encoding the basic 
semantic type(s) of the word, the CONsTrru'rIw,; 
role its constitutive elements, the TELIC role its 
purpose or function and the AGENTIVE role the 
factors involved in bringing it about. In terms of 
temporal relations, the qualia encode specific con- 
straints on the relative temporal ordering of the 
wducs of tile quMia. That is, the event involved 
in the AGENTIVE role precedes that state existing 
ill the FORMAL) alld the associated CONSTITUT1VI,) 
vMne, shonhl there be one. Finally, the T\]~LIC role 
is inherently a tcinporal consequence of the FOlt- 
MAI,, cf. (15). 
(15) AGENTIVE < FORMAl, and CONST < TEL1C 
In the case of mental adjectives, the qualia in 
(13) and (14) makes explicit that they denote a 
complex or dotted type (written ~ype.type), which 
is the product of basic types, st and e2 for agent- 
oriented adjectives and el, e2 and e3 for emo- 
tive ones. Each of these types can be projected 
independently, if no other constraints apply (see 
3.3). The state cl is encoded in the ~'OttMAL; an 
event encoded in the AGENTIVE role (e2) denotes 
the cause or origin of the state, i.e. the experi- 
encing event; encoded in the TELIC role (e3), it 
denotes then the manifestation of the state, i.e. 
the intellectual act. 
In other words, the (ll, representation for emo- 
ti(m adjectives (13) stipulates that somebody (a:) 
is in a state because of an experiencing ewmt (e2), 
which can have a further manifestation (e3); 2 that 
lot agent-oriented adjectives (14) specifies that 
somebody is in n state which can have ~L manifes- 
tation. 
3.3 The notion of head 
However, not all mental adjectives will be able to 
project the two types they denote (i.e. state and 
event), depending on the event headeduess, in 
GL, the notion of head provides a way of indicat- 
ing a type of foregronnding and baekgronnding of 
event arguments. In doing this, it specifies how 
to project the qualia representation and acts as 
a filter to constrain the set of projectable qualia: 
the headed event projects the tbrnlula associated 
with that event and it; is this formula which needs 
to be saturated at the syntax level (Pustejovsky, 
1995, (Jhapter 6.2.5). 
2 For ~L similar view see Anscombres (1995) who 
distinguishes internal feeling and external attitude. 
I\]e considers then that a feeling can have a external 
n tanif'e sl;at ion. 
145 
For mental adjectives, two kinds of headedness 
are possible. The adjective can be headed either 
on the state or the event it denotes. Moreover, 
some adjectives will be unspecified regarding the 
head and will therefore be able to be headed on 
any of the subevents of the event structure. In the 
following, we will first focus on the two different 
kinds of headedness, applying to the state or one 
of the events, and then show the consequences of 
an headless structure. 
3.3.1 Event structure headed on the state 
The adjective is projected via the template 
P(el,z) in the formal role. It therefore denotes 
the mental state of an individual (16a, 17a) and re- 
quires only one argument z of type human. Com- 
plements are however possible if they make direct 
reference to the agentive (as in (16b,c), where the 
complement is the cause of the emotional state) 
or relic roles (as in (17b,c), where it is the mani- 
festation). 
(16) a. Je suis triste/furieux "I'm sad/furious" 
b. Je suis triste/furieux de partir 
"I'm sad/furious at leaving" 
c. Je suis triste/furieux qua tu partes 
'Tm sad/furious that you are leaving" 
(17) a. Je suis ing6nieux 'Tm clever" 
b. Je suis ing6nieux aux &hecs 
"I'm clever at playing chess" 
c. Je suis ing$nieux de partir 
"I'm clever to leave" 
The qualia representation is rich enough to ex- 
plain the syntactic polyvalency shown in (16) 
and (17). There are indeed two ways of referring 
to a quale role: 
Direct saturation of a quale role. The com- 
plement is identified as a subtype of the experi- 
encing event or the intellectual act. In (16b) and 
(17b), for example, the complement directly sat- 
urates the event e2 or e3 (as the qualia structures 
in (18) and (19) make explicit). Partir is indeed 
a subtype of the experiencing event sort (par- 
fir < ezperiencing_event) and les dchecs (chess) 
of the intellectual act one (les dchecs < creative- 
intellectual_act). By contrast, in order for (20) 
to be an acceptable sentence, ~tre malade 'be ill' 
must be reconstructed, non-standardly, as an in- 
tellectual act. 
(18) 
(19) 
FORMAL ¥ triste(el~je) ) 
TBmC = P(ea,je) 
AGENTIVZ = partir(e2de) 
FOCAL = ing6nieux(elje) \] 
TELIC = jouer(eaje,4checs) 
(20) *Je suis habile & ttre malade 
"I'm skilful at being ill" 
Saturation of the object of the experiencing 
or intellectual act event. In (16c) and (17c), 
the complement is the object (y) of an implicit 
event and the saturation of the quale is only pos- 
sible because the complement can be coerced to 
the type expected for the complement (the experi- 
encing event or intellectual act): (16c) means that 
I'm sad~furious because I ezperience your leaving 
(as (21) makes explicit) and (17c) that I'm in- 
genious at performing ~he intellectual ac~ whose 
object is the departure (as in (22)). There is no 
further specification available for the ezp_ev or 
intellectual-acLev variable. 
(21) 
FORMAL = triste(elje) 1 TBMC = P(e3je) 
AGENTIVE = exp_ev(e2je,que-tu-partes) 
(22) 
\[ FORMAL = ing6nieux(el je) \] 
TELIC = intellec-act_ev(e3je,partir) 
These two ways of saturating a quale explain 
what Croft (Croft, 1984) and Ernst (1985) have 
called the verbal/factive ambiguity of two argu- 
ments agent-oriented adjectives (see also Kiparsky 
and Kiparsky, 1979). When the event is saturated, 
we get the eventual sense: in (17b), cleverness is 
predicated of the manner of playing chess (struc- 
ture 19); when the object of the event is saturated, 
we get the faetive sense so that in (17c) cleverness 
is predicated of the fact of leaving (structure 22). 
3.3.2 Event structure headed on an event 
Recall that the adjective denotes one or two 
events, i.e. e2 or e3 in (13) and (14). When the 
event structure is headed on one of these, the ad- 
jective is projected via the agentive or the relic 
role, i.e. the template P(e2, z,...) or P(e3, z,...). 
It therefore selects for an event and gets the 
causative or manifestation sense (examples (23) 
and (24)). However, that does not mean that the 
noun must be an event, but only that its seman- 
tic representation, or general knowledge concern- 
ing its semantic type, should provide an event, as 
shown in the next examples (23) and (24). 
(23) Ce livre est triste "The book is sad" 
a. ~ whose reading causes somebody to be 
sad 
b. -~ whose writing causes somebody to be 
sad 
c. -~ whose writing is the manifestation of 
somebody's sadness 
(24) Ce sapin est triste "The pine tree is sad" 
a. ~ whose experiencing causes some- 
body to be sad 
146 
In (23), the modification by the adjective is pos- 
sible as livre (book) contains in its qualia structure 
two events, namely life (to read) (relic of livre) 
and derire (to write) (agentive of livre) (see Puste- 
jovsky and Bouillon, 1995, for the qualia repre- 
sentation of livre). Two causative interpretations 
(23a,b) and one manifestation (23c) are therefore 
possible. Notice that when the events are defined 
in the lexical semantics of the word, the experi- 
encing and the manifestation are intentional and 
controlled (the experiencing is active, following 
Lehrer, 1990). 
In (24) on the other hand, there is nothing con- 
tributed by the ~ree per se to how the experiencing 
is achieved (as the noun has no telic nor agentive), 
except for it being a physically manifested object 
with extension. In this case, it is the properties 
inherited through the formal (and not the lexical 
semantics of the word) that suggests how it can be 
experienced. For this reason, the experiencing is 
not controlled, nor intentional (it is stative). The 
manifestation sense is impossible as sapin (versus 
book) has no intellectual act in its qualia. 
8.3.8 Unheaded event structure. 
If certain adjectives can be restricted to be headed 
either on the event or the state, others can be left 
underspecified regarding the head. In this last 
case, the adjective can then be projected via the 
formal or the telic/agentive roles and combines the 
two or three different senses: stative, causative 
and/or manifestation, depending on the number 
of events it can refer to (one for agent-oriented 
adjectives (see (14)), two for emotional ones (see 
(13))). This is the case of the adjectives triste and 
ingdnieuz which will get respectively the three and 
two senses, as illustrated in (8) to (10); in (8), 
triste and inggnieu~ have the head on the formal 
role and the adjectives have a stative sense; in (9c) 
and (10c) on the telic: they have a manifestation 
sense. In (9b), triste has the head on the agentive 
and receives its causative sense. Their semantic 
polymorphism is then explained, without having 
to list the different senses. 
Remember however that all emotional state ad- 
jectives which combine a stative and a eventual 
meaning will not be able to get the three mean- 
iugs: the emotion adjective furieuz, for example, 
cannot have the head on the agentive, as shown 
in (llb): un livre furieu~ cannot get the causative 
meaning. The question is then what prevents this 
adjective from having the head on the agentive 
role? A first attempt at tackling the problem fol- 
lows from the observation that most emotion ad- 
jectives ending in -euz (with causal complement 
and not derived from psychological verbs, as en- 
nuyeu$, ouirageu~, etc.) behave in the same way 
(see the list in (25)) and that, more generally, the 
suffix plays a drucial role in restricting the head 
(see Anseombres, 1995, for a similar view and sec- 
tion 4 for other examples of the influence of the 
suffix). It seems therefore not too preliminary to 
think that the -euz suffix acts as a filter on the 
head for this kind of adjectives. However, the for- 
mal representation of the suffixes and the way it 
interacts with the representation of the stem re- 
main to be investigated. 
(25) heureuz, anzieuz, malheuT'euz, honteu~, 
soucieuz, etc. 
In this section, we explained the polyvalency of 
mental adjectives. We are now able to show how 
the head distinction is relevant to classify emo- 
tional states adjectives and explain their semantic 
selection. 
4 Semantic selection: the case of 
emotion adjectives 
On the basis on the headedness configuration, we 
will distinguish three classes of French emotion 
adjectives, exemplified in (26), (27) and (28): 
(26) Adjectives headed on the state: 
fdchg 'angry', ennuyg 'bored', irritd 'irri- 
tated', etc. 
(27) Adjectives headed on the agentive: 
ennuyan~ 'boring', prdoccupan~ 'worrying', 
agrdable 'nice', admirable 'wonderful', effroy- 
able 'appalling', etc. 
(28) Headless adjectives: 
triste 'sad', heureuz 'happy', furieuz 'angry', 
'furious', etc. 
Those in (26) will have the head on the state 
and will get only the stative sense. As predicted, 
they will not be able to modify an event or an 
object, as illustrated in (29). 
(29) *Vn livre f£ch~/ennuy~/irrit~ 
"An angry/bored/irritated book" 
The ones in (27) will have the head on the agen- 
tive and will receive only a causative sense. As a 
result, they will keep this causative sense, even 
when they modify a noun of type human (30). 
(30) Un homme ennuyant/pr6occupant/ 
admirable/effroyable 
-+ which causes somebody's trouble/ 
anxiety/admiration/fright 
Finally, those in (28) will not be specified re- 
garding the head (they are headless) and will be 
able to combine the three senses (except when the 
suffix acts as a filter, as shown in (25)). They can 
therefore modify nouns of type human, objec~ and 
eveng (5) and will be ambiguous when they modify 
a noun of type human, as an hmnan can be either 
in a mental state or the object of an experiencing 
event (31a,b). In the case of ambiguity, it is strik- 
ing to see that French syntax distinguishes clearly 
the two senses. In (31a), it is the prenominal posi- 
tion of the adjective and in (31c) the choice of the 
147 
preposition d (versus de as in (5b)) which give rise 
to the causative sense (versus the stative one). 
(31) a. De tristes enfants "Sad children to see" 
--~ which cause the sadness of the persons 
which experience them 
b. Des enfants tristes "Sad children" 
which are in a sad state 
c. Un homme triste k voir 
"A sad man to see" 
which causes the sadness of the per- 
sons which see him 
As a result of this, (32a) (vs. (32b)) will be im- 
possible: in (32a), the prenominal position of the 
adjective forces the causative sense, giving rise to 
an incompatibility as two different nouns (namely 
enfant (children) and mort de leur m~ve (death of 
the mother)) try to saturate the same variable y, 
i.e. the object of the experiencing. 
(32) a. *De tristes enfants de la mort de leur 
lnere 
b. Des enfants tristes de la mort de leur 
Inere 
To finish, notice that in (28), (29) and (30), the 
role of the suffix appears clearly: for emotion ad- 
jectives, the -d suffix constrains the head to be on 
the state and -anti-able on the causative event. It 
also explains possible divergences between French 
and English. 
5 Conclusion 
In this article, we extended GL to the treatment 
of French mental state adjectives. We showed how 
GL can adequately account for the following: 
(a) Avoiding the multiplication of entries. 
The different senses of the mental adjectives 
(examples (11)to (14))and their polyvalency 
(examples (3) to (5)) follows from the qualia 
representation. 
(b) Explaining the links between the dif- 
ferent senses of mental adjectives. The 
qualia structure we proposed in (15) and (16) 
makes explicit the links between the ditl~rent 
senses of mental adjectives (mental state of an 
individual, causative and manifestation). In 
(15), the qualia structure specifies that emo- 
tional states are caused by a causal event and 
can have a further manifestation; in (16), that 
the agent-oriented state can have a fnrther 
manifestation. 
(c) Explaining the semantic selection of 
mental state adjectives. The specific se- 
mantic selection of mental adjectives follows 
from the headcdness system. 
(d) Distinguishing two kinds of adjectives: 
those which denote simple type (rouge (red), 
grand (big), etc.) and those like mental adjec- 
tives which denote dotted type. This distinc- 
tion is in accordance with the classical dis- 
tinction drawn between stative adjectives and 
dynamic ones, which, following Quirk et al., 
1994:434, denote qualities that are thought 
to be subject to control by possessor. GL al- 
lows this distinction to be characterized and 
given a more formal representation, an adjec- 
tive being dynamic if it refers to the cause or 
its further manifestation. 
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