ABDUCTIVE REASON G FOR SYNTACTIC REALIZATION* 
Ralf Klabunde 
University of Heidelberg 
Centre for Computational Linguistics 
klabunde~novell i. gs.uni-heidelberg, de 
Martin Jansche 
The Ohio State University 
Department of Linguistics 
Jansche. l©osu, edu 
Abstract 
Abductive reasoning is •used in a bidirectional framework for syntactic realization and semantic 
interpretation. The use of the framework is illustrated in a case study of sentence generation, 
where different syntactic forms are generated depending on the status of discourse information. 
Examples are given involving three differen t syntactic constructions in German root clauses. 
1 Pragmatics in Natural Language Generation 
The computational treatment of pragmatics in natural language generation is often---directly or indirectly-- 
• oriented around the Gricean maxims \[Grice 7•5\]. Their effects emerge from the pragmatic model of the 
generation system so that the generated text s satisfy these maxims. The texts should be a true characteri- 
zation of a state of affairs, they should be as informative as possible, relevant, and perspicuous. While the 
first three maxims are related to what is said, the last maxim is related to how it is said. The category of 
perspicuity principles includes constraints on avoiding obscurity and ambiguity, or being brief and orderly. 
It is anything but clear how these principles should be interpreted precisely. Several attempts have been 
• made to remedy this in computational work on generating texts that best satisfy these maxims, especially 
with respect to the generation of referring expressions (e.g. \[Dale et al. 95\]). 
However, there is•more to pragmatics than satisfying Gricean maxims. In particular, the category of 
perspicuity principles does not usually cover the important fact that texts are tailored toa specific addressee, 
not only in content,• i.e., with respect to her or his informational needs, but also in the linguistic form, i.e., 
word order, syntactic constructions, the choice of lexical items, and eventually prosodic information. This 
tailoring of the linguistic form to the listener is termed "information structuring". In generating texts, 
information Structuring requires, among other things, the use of some listener model, which may include 
information about the listener's knowledge, goals, properties, etc. 
LinguiStic approaches to describing the principles of information structuring have sometimes charac- 
terized information structure as an instruction to the listener about how to construct a model of the com- 
municated state of affairs \[Prince 81\]~ In AI and Computational Linguistics, tailoring the message to the 
• - . Usercomprises very often solely content planning, which only indirectly determines the linguistic output. 
- : : ~:i. i . / For:~xaniple, Systems tailor the information "density" to the user (e.g.\[Pads 93\]), or they drive the dialogue 
• -, depending on an estimation of what the user might be interested in (e.g. \[Jameson et al. 94\]). Realizing texts 
. by determining the information structure of the respective sentences, which again is a reflex of addressee 
• orientation, has not yet.received its due attention. 
• *The authors would like to thank Bob Kasper, Nathan Vaillette, Shravan Vasishth, and twoanonymous referees for helpful 
comments and suggestions. All remaining mistake s are, of course,..our own. 
108 5 " " 
I 
I 
I 
!1 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
! 
2 The Topic/Comment Structure in Information Structuring 
The notion of information structure comprises at least two separate notions of how the information of a sen, 
tence may be structured, viz. the topic/comment structure and the focus/background structure \[Vallduvf 92, 
Lambrecht 94\].t In order to motivate these structuring mechanisms, consider the following simple example. 
Suppose the purpose of a generation system is to describe a spatial scenario. One of the sentences might be 
(1) Behind the town hall is a BAKERY. 
with "bakery" the prosodically most prominent constituent (the focus exponent). In this sentence; the prepo- " 
sitional phrase "behind the town hall" functions as topic and the noun phrase "a bakery" is in focus, we will 
ignore aspects of focus and its role in language generation, especially since selecting the focus exponent is 
better understood as being part of utterance planning, and are limiting our attention to the topic/comment- 
structure only. The topic provides familiar discourse referents whose properties are further illuminated by 
the sentence; the relation between these discourse referents and the sentential predication is also referred 
to as an aboutness-relation. Many languages possess special topicalization constructions or morpholog- 
ical markers to single out the topic in a sentence. In German (and probably English as well), referring 
phrases provide topicreferents, and the clause-initial position is their preferred position. Thus clause-initial 
positioning is the most important topic-relevant feature in generation. 2 
The same propositional content expressed by (1) can be realized with different information structures 
and, therefore, different sentence forms, as the following English examples demonstrate: 
(2) A bakery is behind the town hall. 
(3) Behind the town hall, there is a bakery. 
(4) As for the town hal!, behind it is a bakery. 
Discourse referents functioning as topics must be identifiable for the listener. This is the reason why 
topics are usually packaged as definite noun phrases, or as prepositional phrases that contain definite noun 
~hrases. Topic candidates will be selected from the set of discourse referents that the listener knows accord- 
ing to a topic acceptance scale. \[Lambrecht 94\] proposes the following scale: . 
(5) active > accessible (textually, situationally, or inferentially) 
> unused > brand-new anchored > brand-new unanchored 
Active referents are those that are currently lit up; they are in the center of attention. They are the most 
acceptable topics because the listener's mental effort needed for processing the respective sentence is-mini- 
mal as compared with the effort needed to identify and anchor an unfamiliar or inactive topic referent. We 
consider the candidates below the accessible referents to be inappropriate as topics in most instances, and 
we limit our attention to a scale with three regions: active referents, accessible referents, and inaccessible 
referents. 
To summarize, the first task in generating texts with sentences with appropriate topic/comment struc- 
tures is to determine for each sentence the topic discourse referent. This referent should be identifiable for 
the listener and as high on the topic acceptance scale as possible. The phrase expressing the topic should 
I Depending on one's theoretical background and/or affiliation with different schools, terminology differs considerably. 
2\[Ahmann 81, 150\] gives ~?ome counterexamples to this default. These examples are pr0sodically marked, however. 
109 
be placed in clause-initial position. However, these are only guideiines, not fixed rules. Hence, we need a 
mechanism to handle this kind of uncertainty. 
This is of course not the whole story of topic-hood. In addition to selecting topic referents, we have to 
• solve the problem of how one and the same topic/comment structure can be realized by-different syntactic 
structures. German examples resembling the previous three ones are: 
(6) Die Vitrine steht rechts vonder Lampe. " ~ 
'The Showcase is standing to the fight of the lamp." (subject realization) 
(7) Die Vitrine, die steht rechts yon der Lampe. 
"The showcase, it is standing to the right of the lamp? (left dislocation) 
• (8) Was die Vitrine betrifft, die steht rechts vonder Lampe. - .... 
• • .• "As for the showcase, it is standing to the right of the lamp.' (hanging topic) 
In the first clause the topic is realized as the subject •in clause-initial position. The second clause exhibits a 
left dislocation for the topic, and the third one uses a so-called hanging topic. 
We assume that the functions of these three syntactic forms are more or less •identical for German and 
: English. All.three examples express the same propositional content, viz. the localization of a uniquely 
identifiable showcase with respect to a uniquely identifiable •lamp. Furthermore, all three examples exhibit 
the same topic/comment structure: "the Showcase" functions as topic, i.e., the anchor for the proposition, 
and the rest of the clause comments on certain aspects of the showcase. However, these three forms are not 
mutually interchangeable in each imaginable context, because they invite different pragmatic inferences. 
• The subject realization is neutral with respect to •topic accessibility. There is a strong correlation be- 
tween the grammatical function of subjectand the information structural notion of topic. The subject is the 
• unmarked topic. 
Left dislocation constructions, they can indicate a topic shift because the syntactically autonomous 
position of the detached noun phrase signals a change in the status of its discourse referent from being 
inactive to active \[Lambrecht 94\]. Additionally, left dislocations must satisfy a presupposition condition, 
namely to support the existence of another individual not having the property expressed by the matrix 
clause \[Wiltschko 95\]. The discourse referent is in some way related to a previously established set which 
the referent is a member of. This resembles the presuppositions restrictive relative clauses establish. 
As fora hanging topic, it also indicates a topic shift. It introduces a new topic of the discourse from 
a set of discourse referents that have already been established in the discourse. The common property of 
shifting the discourse topic implies that hanging topics and left dislocations are not mutually exclusive. 
A distinction on pragmatic grounds is complicated by the fact that the various set phrases usable for the 
hanging topic can have different discourse functions and that left dislocations can be interpreted as special 
hanging topics. However, the main difference between left dislocations and hanging topics with the set 
phrase was das X betrifft ("as for the X") seems to be: left dislocations must satisfy the presupposition 
condition and they establish a topic shift by means of changing the status of a discourse referen t, whereas 
i: hanging topics establish a topic shift by means of selecting a discourse referent from a previously established 
• set of referents. 3 Despite• their overlapping discourse functions, we confine ourselves to the distinctive 
pragmatic properties of both constructions for their generation. 
Hence, the second Problem that needs to be solved is to correlate the syntactic form with the status 
of discourse referents with respect to their •being. active or accessible, as well as with other discourse in- 
formation and factual information pertaining to the presupposition conditions. How can we incorporate 
3See the extensive descriptive analyses in \[Altmann 81 \]. 
110 
I 
ii 
I 
i 
I 
I 
I 
,! 
! 
I 
! 
m • 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I, 
I 
i 
I 
I 
I 
i 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
this informal characterization of topic, topic acceptability, and syntactic constructions into a unified and 
formally precise mechanism for a natural language generation system? We propose an abductive setting 
in the spirit of \[Hobbs et al. 93\] as a framework for integrating the diverse knowledge sources involved in 
the generation and interpretation of sentential information structure. The basic idea is 6a view generating 
a single proposition as finding the best proof for why a sentence and its information structure is congruent 
with the listener model. In the process of finding this proof, the sentence is generated by incrementally 
instantiating unbound variables. 
Our basic scenario is the generation of spatial descriptions. The mechanism for content planning is 
not the subject of this paper (cf. \[Jansche et al. 96, Meyer-Klab6nde 96, Porzel et al. in press\]). For spatial. 
descriptions, content planning comprises for each proposition the selection of a reference object from the 
set of objects, the selection of a primary object, the selection of a point of view, and the computation 
of a spatial relation between both objects depending on the chosen point of view. For present purposes 
we assume that thepropositional content of a sentence has already been established. What remains to be 
done is to construct a pragmatically appropriate sentence that conveys the new and informative part of this 
propositional information to the listener. It is for this syntactic/pragmatic realization process that we use the 
abductive framework. Ultimately, we aim to incorporate the abductive reasoning mechanism directly into 
the content planner so as to achieve a uniform framework. 
3 • Generation by Abduction 
Abductive reasoning is reasoning about the best explanation for a given observation. To make precise what 
counts as a good explanation, one introduces a preference criterion by which alternative explanations can 
be compared. A preferred explanation for an observation might be the least specific one, the most specific 
one, the one with the lowest proof costs, etc. Abductive explanation is classically characterized as follows 
(C f. \[Mayer et al. 96\]): a knowledge base K, the usual consequence relation ~, and an observation E to be 
explained, such that K t~ E, are given. A statement H is taken as the best explanation of E in K iff: 
1. KU {H} ~ E; and 
2. H is "better" than any other statement in the set {H ~ \[ K U {H'} ~ E}, according to the preference 
criterion. 
We use a generalized version of what \[Stickel 90, 236\] calls predicate specific abduction, where only el- 
ements from a distinguished set of litemls may be assumed. What counts as the best explanation will be 
based on the (preferably minimal)• number of assumptions made. 
Abduction has been used in natural language processing for interpretation tasks such as met0nymy 
resolution, understanding vague expressions, or plan recognition. Recently, abductive reasoning has also• 
been proposed for use in generation, partly for planning \[Lascarides et al. 92, Thomason et al. 96\], and as 
a framework for both the interpretation and the generation of discourse \[Thomasonet al. 97\]. The basic 
idea behind these approaches is to find the best way to obtain a communicative goal state by modifying 
the conversational record, which roughly corresponds to our listener model, with applicable operators. The 
plan is the set of hypotheses discovered by an abductive proof of the proposition that the goal state has been 
achieved. 
What remains open in these approaches is to make precise the relation between the planned propo- 
sitional content of an Utterance and an appropriate sentence form. only very simple example sentences 
111 
! 
'l 
could be generated because the local pragmatics of the sentence form does not play a role in the previ- 
ous approaches. We are bridging this pragmatic gap between content planning and surface realization by 
abductive mechanisms. 
3.1 The Abductive Component 
For our purposes it is helpful to view abductive proofs as essentially relational. An abductive proof d e- 
termines the relation between a knowledge base, an observation, a specification of what assumptions can 
be made, and proved and assumed literals that jointly provide an explanation for the initial observation. - 
The prototypes we have implemented inProlog make this relation available explicitly, and great care was 
taken to ensure that queries Such as (9), where not all arguments are instantiated, are handled correctly by 
generating a manageable subset of all possible solutions. " 
(9) • ?- abduce(Goal, Assumable, •Proved, Assumed). 
In the above query, Goal is the observation to be proved by the abductive meta-interpreter, Assumable 
is a set of literals that may be assumed, and Proved and Assumed are multisets of literals that were used 
or assumed, respectively, during the abductive proof of Goal. Interpretation mode corresponds to queries 
where the goal is instantiated and everything can be assumed in principle, as in (10); during generation the 
meta-interpreter is invoked with the goal at least partially uninstantiated, while the set of assumable literals 
is specified, as in (11). • 
(10) ?- abduce (sentence ( \[die,vitrine, steht ; rechts,von, der, lampe\] ), u, Pr, As). 
(II) ?- abduce(sentence(S), \[showcase(s),lamp(1),loc(s,r),rightof(r,l)\], Pr, As). 
From the fact that queries like (11) are accepted it is clear that the abduction scheme we use is somewhat 
more generaithan predicate specific abduction: we supply information as to what literals may be assumed, 
whereas predicate specific abduction would only specify the functors and arities of those literals. 
It is well worth noting that on our approach generation is not simply the inverse of interpretation. If that 
were the case, one would call the abductive meta-interpreter with the goal instantiated deriving the assumed 
• literals during interpretation, while forgeneration the opposite instantiation pattern would be used. BUt for 
the latter case this amounts to requiring that all literals must be assumed in the proof, which is clearly too 
strong since some of them might be derivable from the knowledge base. Instead we only specify which 
literals may be assumed, leaving open the possibility that some of them are provable from the knowledge 
base. 
Also note that since we do not use weighted abduction, the problem of assigning different assumption 
costs for generation and interpretation (cf. \[Thomason et al. 97\]) is avoided. On the other hand, what should 
we use as a preference criterion? A sequence of several criteria is used. First, proofs are preferred for the 
number of provable literals used,the more the better. In the cases we consider, there, seems to be a loose 
correspondence between this criterion and the Gricean maxims of relevance and quality. Second, proofs 
are preferred compared to other proofs if they involve less assumptions. The number of assumptions made 
is determined by the cardinality of the set that is the reduction of the multiset foundduring an abductive 
proof. Third, everything, else being equal, we prefer proofs with the highest amount of assumption re-use. 
This is determined by the difference between the cardinalities of the multiset of assumptions and of its 
corresPonding set. The relevant idea--an assumption becomes more plausible if it is used to explain more 
than one thing~is essentially the same as the one behind the factoring rule of \[Stickel 90\]. 
112 
I 
i.II 
ill 
I 
!! 
?- 
I . 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
Now we are in a position to consider some examples involving the interaction of discourse pragmatics 
and syntax in German root clauses. 
3.2 Generating Phrases in Initial Position " 
In a language like German with relatively free word order, any argument of the verbal head of a sentence 
• may appear first, depending on the relevance for the discourse. For the spatial scenarios we consider, there 
is almost always a choice between several noun phrases or prepositional phrases that can be arranged in 
almost any order, As seen before, elements referring to familiar entities usually precede phrases denoting 
things not mentioned before. 
Consider the case of locative verbs such as stehen ('to stand'), sich befinden ('to be located'), etc. We 
use the conventional Prolog translations of extended phrase structure rules to generate sentences headed by 
these verbs: 
(12) v2_sentence(PO,P) "- 
accessible (X), 
accessible(R), 
np(syn(nom,_), X, PO,PI), ~, a nominative NP with discourse referent X 
loc_vp(X, R, PI,P2), ~, verb locating X inside the region R 
pp(R, P2,P). ~, a PP denoting a region R 
• (13) v2_sentence(PO,P):- (14) 
accessible(R), 
pp(R, P0,P1), 
loc_vp(X, R, P1,P2), 
np(syn(nom,.), X, P2,P). 
v2_sentence(PO,P) "- 
np(syn(nom,_), X, PO,P1), 
loc_vp(X, R, P1,P2), 
pp(R, P2,P). 
Suppose we want to generate the sentence Rechts vonder Lampe steht eine ~trine, a variation of (6). 
The propositional content of this sentence--lamp (1), righter (r, 11, loc (s ,r), showcase (s)--must 
be .assumable, and accessible (17 must be derivable from the listener model. Backward-chaining on 
v2_sentence(S, \[\] ) is not possible using rule (12) since accessible(s) is not provable and cannot 
be assumed. Rule (13) is applicable, but so is the weaker (14). Proofs involving these two rules will be 
equivalent except for the presence or absence of sub-proofs of accessible (r), which is derivable from 
accessible (11. But since proofs using more proved literals axe preferred, the best abductive proof will 
result in a sentence with an initial definite PP preceding both the verb and the indefinite subject NP. 
3.3 Generating Hanging Topics 
To model the "topic shift" signaled by hanging topics, we need some way to represent the currently active 
discourse referent. This is achieved by introducing two predicates, active (X) and activate (X), which 
test whether a given discourse referent is active or declare a discourse referent as active, respectively. For 
reasons of simplicity, we present these predicates as though they depend on a state external to the rules; 
in the implemented prototypes, each predicate is actually equipped with two additional variables that are 
used to drag along, test, and update the discourse State, in order to ensure a simple declarative semantics. In 
any proof, the literal activate (X) cannot be proved and has to be assumed, whereas active (X) must be 
113 
. .\[ . 
"t.) ;'",/' "'" 
resolved exactly once with the closest matching literal of the form activate (X). Thus the active referent 
is identified with the last activated one. 
• The rule for a sentence with a hanging topic can be seen in (15). Here it is not sufficient that the discourse 
• referent associated with the noun phrase be inferentially accessible, a stronger condition is imposed, the 
requirement that the discourse referent must be taken from a set of thematic referents presumably established 
in a superordinate planning stage, 
(15) sentence(PO,P) "- 
active(A), 
• thematic_referent(X), ., :... 
distinct_objects(A, X), 
'C'(PO,• was, PI), 
np(syn(acc,Gender), X, PI,P2), 
'C'(P2, betrifft, P3), 
activate(X)• 
v2_sentence(P3,P). 
Since a sentence with a hanging topic is used to re-activate an inactive discourse referent, and since an 
NP may be realized as a pronoun if its discourse referent is active, sentences of this type usually contain a 
pronoun, rather than a full NP, that refers back to the hanging topic, as in (8) above. 
3.4 Generating Left Dislocations 
Left dislocation constructions involve a semantics beyond the first-order theories used so far. This construc- 
tion type presupposes that some salient object other than the discourse referent of the dislocated constituent 
lacks the property predicated by the sentence. Since we are dealing with highly specific rules for sentences 
with locative verbs, it is possible to express these conditions without reference to negative properties. All 
we •have to do is to find some salient object distinct from the discourse referent of the dislocated NP, and a 
region where it is located distinct from the region in which the head verb locates the object denoted by the 
NP. In addition to this, the familiar discourse referent of the dislocated NP is made active. The resulting 
rule is displayed in (16): 
(16) sentence(PO,P)-- 
active (A), 
- familiar(X), 
distinct_objects(A, X) • 
accessible (Y), 
distinct_objects (Y, X), 
loc(Y, R2), 
• - distinct_objects(Rl, R2), 
• . ... 
', " , -~ -. :. np(syn(nom,Gender)•:.X, PO•PI) 
..\] ... • , .... . .... • 
act ivate (X), " 
pron (syn (nom, Gender), P I, P2), 
loc_vp(X, R1, P2,P3), 
pp(R1, P3,P). 
114 
I 
I 
,I 
I 
i 
il 
! 
i 
I 
J,| 
t. 
,! 
p, 
!1 
I 
! 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I. 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
3.5 An Example Proof 
Finally, we consider in some detail an example proof that illustrates several of the techniques used in gen- 
erating the syntactic forms discussed previously. The sentence we want to derive should express that a 
• showcase is located to the right of the lamp; additionally, we know that the immediately preceding dis- 
course was about a different object, and some time ago we had explicitly mentioned the lamp. 
(17) facts: active(c); couch(c), thematic_referent(l), lamp(l), etc. 
assumable: showcase(s), lamp(1), loc(s,r), right_of(r,!), activate(.) 
to prove: • sentence (S, \[\] ) 
sentence (S, \[\] ) 
active (A) "/, resolution with fact, A bound to c 
thematic_referent(Y) 7. resolution with fact, Y bound to 1 
distinct_objects (c, 1) 7. provable from knowledge base 
' C' (S, was, P 1) 7. provable from knowledge base 
7. S bound to \[was I P1\] 
np(syn(acc,Gender), 1, P1,P3) 
• det(syn(acc,Gender), P1 ,P2) 7. Gender bound to fem 
" familiar(l) 
thematic_referent (i) 7. resolution with fact 
'C' (P1, die, P2) 7. provable fromknowledge base 
7. P1 bound to \[die IP2\] 
n(syn(acc,fem), 1, P2,P3) 
lamp (1) 7. resolution with fact 
'C'(P2, lampe, P3) 7. provable from knowledge base 
7. P2 bound to \[lampe I P3\] 
'C!(P3, betrifft, P4) 7. provable from knowledge base 
% P3 bound to \[betrifft I P4\] 
activate (1) Y, can only be assumed 
v2_sentence (P4, \[\] ) 
accessible (1%) 
tel(R, Z) " " 
. . " 
spat_tel (1%, Z) 
right_of (I~, Z) 
familiar(l) 
thematic_referent (i) ~, resolution with a fact " 
pp(r, P4,PG). 
active (W) 
activate (W) 7. factoring with a previous assumption, W bound to 1 
right_of (r, 1) 7. factoring with a previous assumption 
'C' (P4, rechts, P5) ~, provable from knowledge base 
7, P4 bound to \[rechts \[ P5\] 
'C' (P5, davon, P6) 7, provable from knowledge base 
7. P5 bound to \[davonlP6\] 
loc_vp(X,: r, PG,P7) 
7. can only be assumed, R bound to r, Z bound tO 1 
• 115 
'C'(P6, nteht, P7) 7.- provable from knowledge base 
7. P6 bound to \[steht I PT\] 
loc(X, r) " 7. can •only be assumed, X bound to s 
np(syn(nom,.), s, P7, \[\]) 
det (syn(nom,Gender), P7,P8) 7, Gender bound to fern 
• 'C ~ (P7, eine, P8) 7. provable from knowledge base 
7. P7 bound to \[eine i P8\] 
n(syn(nom,fem), s, P8,\[\]) 
showcase (s) 7. can only be assumed 
• ' C' (P8, vitrine, \[\] ) 7. provable from knowledge base 
7. P8 bound to \[vitrine\] . 
• result: S bound to \[was, die, lampe, betrifft ,rechts, davon, steht, eine ,vitrine\] 
assumed: activate (1), right_of (r,1), activate (1), right_of (r,1), loc (s,r), 
showcase(s) including two factored assumptions . . 
Our preference criteria favor this proof over competing ones, since many goals could be proved, few 
had to be •assumed, and assumptions could be re-used. 
4 Conclusion and Outlook • 
We have presented a specification of how information packaging and syntactic structure interact in German 
root clauses. This specification is purely declarative, and neutral with respect to the task at hand. The 
axioms we use provide that kind of"thorough integration of syntax, semantics, and pragmatics" in the sense 
of \[Hobbs et al. 93, 104ft.\] that makes it possible to use the same knowledge base for both interpretation and 
• generation. The mechanism used for either task is essentially the same too, viz. a reversible generalization of 
predicate specific abduction where only the set of•facts that may be assumed differs depending on the task. 
• The rule s covering •different syntactic forms and •their information structure have antecedents of different 
strengths, sometimes subsuming each other, and the abductive mechanism ensures that the best explanation 
is the one that uses a rule with the strongest abductively provable antecedent. 
• As a direction for further research we suggest that a logical framework is needed that extends traditional 
knowledge representation and reasoning. Existing prototypes like the one described in • \[Hobbs et al. 93\] 
are dealing to a large extent with static data: when trying to interpret a discourse, information is simply 
accumulated, Once one tries to incorporate •reasoning about information packaging, one is faced directly 
with the problem of having to update the conversational record several times while a single sentence is 
interpreted or generated. The relevant reasoning is not so much about facts, but about actions or resources. 
We suggest that it is this dynamic aspect of information flow that is constant across the different tasks, 
and that the difference in generation and interpretation lies in the different status of information sources and 
• sinks. A uniform framework that permits explicit reasoning about these dynamic aspects is highly desirable. 
• A second line of investigation should be concerned with trying to integrate content planning and syntac- 
tic realization. This could be exploited to allow for incremental generation•, O r be used for the generation of 
idiomatic expressions and syntactic patterns that are not linked to any semantic content, but rather to certain 
discourse goals. If this task is carried out successfully, we might see a thorough integration of all aspects of 
• natural language generation. 
:116 
I 
.| 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
! 
I 
!l 
,,I 
r 
I 
II 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
1 
I 
I 
| 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 

References 
\[Altmann 81\] Altmann, H. I98 I. Formen der "'Herausstellung" im Deutschen. Ttibingen: Niemeyer. 
\[Dale et al. 95\] Dale, R., and E. Reiter. 1995. Computational interpretations of the Gricean maxims in the 
generation of referring expressions. Cognitive Science 18, 233-263. 
\[Grice 75\] Grice, H.P. 1975. Logic and conversation. In P. Cole, and J,L. Morgan (eds), Syntax and 
Semantics 3: Speech Acts, New York: Academic Press, 41-58. 
\[Hobbs et al. 93\] Hobbs, J.R., M.E. Stickel, D;E. Appelt, and P. Martin. 1993. Interpretation as abduction. 
Artificial Intelligence 63, 69-142. 
\[Jameson et al. 94\] Jameson, A., B. Kipper, A. Ndiaye, R. Sch~ifer, J. Simons, T. Weis, and D. Zimmer- 
mann. 1994. Cooperating to be noncooperative: The dialog system PRACMA. In B. Nebel, and 
L. Dreschler-Fischer (eds), Proceedings of the Eighteenth Annual German Conference on Artificial 
Intelligence, Berlin: Springer, 106-I 17. 
\[Jansche et al. 96\] Jansche, M., and R. Porzel. 1996. PAROLE: A Cognitively Motivated NLG System for 
Spatial Descriptions. UniversiNten Heidelberg/Mannheim: Arbeiten aus dem Sonderforschungsbe- 
reich 245 "Sprache und Situation"; Report Nr. 93. 
\[Lambrecht 94\] Lambrecht, K. 1994, Information Structure and Sentence Form. Cambridge: Cambridge 
University Press. 
\[Lascarides et al. 92\] Lascarides, A., and J. Oberlander. 1992. Abducing temporal discourse. In R. Dale, 
E. Hovy, D. Rtisner, and O. Stock (eds), Aspects of Automated Natural Language Generation, Berlin: 
Springer, 167-182. 
\[Mayer et al. 96\] Mayer, M.C., and E Pirri. 1996. A study on the logic of abduction, in W. Wahlster (ed), 
Proceedings of the 12th European Conference on Artificial Intelligence (ECA196), Chichester; Wiley, 
18-22. 
\[Meyer-Klabunde 96\] Meyer-Klabunde, R. 1996. A case study on feedback in cognitive models oflanguage 
production. In W. Hoeppner (ed), Proceedings of the 6th European Workshop on Natural Language 
Generation, UniversitSt-GH Duisburg, Institut ftir Informatik; Report Nr. SI- 17, 61-71. 
\[Pads 93\] Paris, C. 1993. User Modelling in Text Generation. London: Pinter. 
\[Porzel et al. in press\] Porzel, R., M. Jansche, and R. Meyer-Klabunde. In press. The generation of spatial 
descriptions from a cognitive point of view. In P. Olivier (ed), Vision and Language, Berlin: Springer. 
\[Prince 81\] Prince, E.E 1981. Toward a taxonomy Of given-new information. In P. Cole (ed), Radical 
Pragmatics, New York: Academic Press, 223-255. 
\[Stickel 90\] Stickel, M.E. 1990. Rationale and methods for abductive reasoning in natural language inter- 
pretation. In R. Studer (ed), Natural Language and Logic, Berlin: Springer, 233-252. 
\[Thomason et all 96\] Thomason, R.H., J.R. Hobbs, and J.D. Moore. i996. Communicative goals. :In 
K. Jokinen, M. Maybury, M. Zock, and I. Zukerman (eds), Proceedings of the ECAI 96 Workshop 
Gaps and Bridges: New Directions in Planning and Natural Language Generation, Budapest, 7-12. 
\[Thomason et al. 97\] Thomason, R.H., and J.R. Hobbs. 1997. Interrelating interpretation and generation 
in an abductive framework. Paper presented at the AAAI Fall 1997 Symposium on Communicative 
Action in Humans and Machines. Cambridge, MA. 
\[Vallduvf 92\] Vallduvf, E. 1992. The Informational Component. New York: Garland. 
\[Wiltschko 95\] Wiltschko, M. 1995. Presuppositions in German dislocation constructions. Folia Linguis- 
tica XXIX, 265-295. 
