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<Paper uid="C02-1116">
  <Title>Linking syntactic and semantic arguments in a dependency-based formalism</Title>
  <Section position="6" start_page="0" end_page="4" type="evalu">
    <SectionTitle>
5 Application
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> This section describes the linguistic examples from section 2 within the framework developed above.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> We define a linking type for the English dative shift construction as follows, realizing our notion of an alternative realization from section 2.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> l pat dativeshift :2</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> As can be seen from the role hierarchy in (20), the syntactic role dativeshift can either be realized as obji or ppto. This linking type will be inherited by all English verbs that exhibit the dative-shift alternative realization. For instance, it is inherited by the lexical entry for the English verb give (cf. examples (1) and (2)). Additionally, give inherits from the linking type l ag subj defined in (17). l ag subj will be shared among a large set of other verbs which realize their agents as subjects, thus reducing redundancy in the lexicon.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> gives = l ag subj u l pat dativeshift u l th objd (25) The lexicon entry for deliver ((5) and (6)) will differ from the one for give by inheriting from l pat obji instead of l pat dativeshift and thus not allow for a dative shift.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="6"> For the German data in examples (7) to (11) we define a syntactic role hierarchy in the same fashion, where genitive and ppum are below a role ppumgen. Then, the lexical entry for berauben inherits from a linking type l theme ppumgen.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="7"> In contrast to alternative realizations, alternations as in examples (12) and (13) realize two different thematic roles (pat and th) as the same syntactic role (objd). By the lexical entry constraint in section 4.4, there cannot be a single lexical entry for both alternants of clear. We therefore model finite forms of clear by two separate valency frames (we skip the definitions of some of the linking types).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="8"> clears = l ag subj u</Paragraph>
  </Section>
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