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<Paper uid="P02-1010">
  <Title>Ellipsis Resolution with Underspecified Scope</Title>
  <Section position="9" start_page="121" end_page="121" type="evalu">
    <SectionTitle>
7 Strict and Sloppy Identity
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> In the treatment of strict/sloppy ambiguity, we follow the approach of Kehler (1995) which predicts five readings for the notorious example (13) from Gawron and Peters (1990).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> (13) John revised his paper before the teacher did, and Bill did too.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> In Kehler's (1995) approach, strict/sloppy ambiguity results from a bifurcation in the process of ellipsis resolution: There are two ways to copy the binding constraint linking an anaphor with its antecedent if the antecedent is in the source3. Let</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> constraint as introduced by anaphora resolution.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> The sloppy way to copy the constraint is the usual one, i.e. updating the contexts with the new resolution number.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="6"> 3If the antecedent of a pronoun is outside the source, the copied pronoun is bound to the source pronoun (strict interpretation), not directly to the antecedent, cf. the reading missing in sentence (14) in which Bill will say that Mary helped Bill before Susan helped John.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="7"> (14) John will testify that Mary helped him before Susan did, and so will Bill.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="8">  sloppy a33 a36 a26a32 a3 Ka30 a45 a7 a26a32a4a3 Ka30 a24 a0 a26a32a4a3 Ja30 , a33 a36 a26a32a4a3 Ka30 a52a54 a33 a34 a26a32a4a3 Ja30 The strict way is to bind the variable of the copied pronoun to the variable of the source pronoun. null strict a33a39a36 a26a32a4a3 Ka30 a45 a7 a26a32a4a3 Ka30 a24 a7 a33 Ka35 , a33a39a36 a26a32a4a3 Ka30 a52a54 a33a38a36a13a33 Ka35 Figure 6 shows the UDRS for a particular reading of sentence (13): John and Bill revised their own papers before the teacher revised John's paper. The pronoun is first copied strict (a0  We have tacitly assumed that source pronouns are resolved before ellipsis resolution. No mechanism has been provided to propagate binding constraints in parallel structures. But note that the order of operations in anaphora resolution is also constrained by structure: Anaphors embedded in other anaphors need to be resolved first (van der Sandt, 1992). Ellipsis resolution may be considered on a par with anaphora resolution in this respect.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="9"> Anaphors can occur in phantom conditions as well (cf. sentence (15)).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="10"> (15) John revised a paper of his before the teacher did, and Bill did too.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="11"> An extension of the copy rules for binding constraints along the lines of Section 6 is straightforward (see below). If the embedding quantifier gets wide scope (a33 a2 a8 a33 a5 ), source and target constraints collapse (sloppy), or the target constraint asserts self-binding (strict).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="12"> sloppy a33a39a36a13a33 a0 a35 a45 a7 a33 a0 a35 a24 a0 a33a2a5 a35 , a33a39a36a17a33 a0 a35 a52a54 a33a14a34a31a33a2a5 a35 , strict a33a39a36a13a33 a0 a35 a45 a7 a33 a0 a35 a24 a7 a33 Ka35 , a33a38a36a13a33 a0 a35 a52a54 a33a38a36a13a33 Ka35  There are, however, some problems with this extension. See Figure 7 for the strict-sloppy-strict reading of sentence (15). If the indefinite NP gets intermediate scope between &amp;quot;before&amp;quot; and &amp;quot;and&amp;quot;, the context variable a0 will be set to a26a30 , a5 and a4 to a26a7a6 a30 . A clash follows, since a33a50a44 a26a7a6 a30 is bound both to a33a37a36 a26a7a6 a30 and a33a35a44  a30 . To remedy this defect, we stipulate that resolving the strict/sloppy ambiguity may partially disambiguate the scope structure: If in the course of resolving a particular ellipsis several anaphors are copied with different choices in the strict/sloppy bifurcation, the conditional constraints are evaluated so that the anaphors cannot turn out to be the same.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="13"> This condition ensures that in the strict-sloppy-strict reading illustrated in Figure 7 the indefinite NP gets narrow scope under &amp;quot;before&amp;quot;.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
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