<?xml version="1.0" standalone="yes"?>
<Paper uid="C00-1008">
  <Title>Incremental Identification of Inflectional Types</Title>
  <Section position="3" start_page="0" end_page="49" type="intro">
    <SectionTitle>
quire&amp;
2 German noun-inflection classes
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> There is a w/st literature on German noun inflection represented in recent studies by (Cahill and Gazdar, 1999), (Clahsen, 1999), and (Neef, 1998). Here we stmnnarize only essential points and ignore highly irregular and archaic inilections (cf. figure 4 below).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> Gernmn nouns l)ear gender (masculine, tbininine, neutt,r) and are inflected for number (singular, 1)lurail and case (nontilmt.ive, accusative, dat.ive, geni(ire). \Vith the exeq)(;ion of class NWN (e.g. mast Ha.'uvr 'farnwr': wi(;h gen sg f~aucrn,), all nonfl:minine nouns build genitive singular with -s.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> The &amp;quot;regular&amp;quot; (of. ()lahsen (1999))but; &amp;quot;atytfical&amp;quot; (cf. \\qlnderlich (1999)) nouns of class NA (e.g. Auto ~car') build their plural forms in -s. The l)lural forms of all o(;her (i.e. %yl)ical') (:lasses nmst end ill a so-called schwa syllable -c, -el, - c'r, or -en (i.e.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> l)honetically all unstressed \[o\] ta)llowed by a sonoranl, f~'olll \[1 , .\]).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> S(;l'()llg lIOllllS add -e for l)lural ill class NS (e.g.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> A'r'm, 'arm', pl A'rm, c) and class NU (e.g. d~'zt 'l)hysiclan', pl /{rztc) if (;he sl;enl itself does not already end in a schwa syllable (e.g. Kabcl 'cable', pl Kabell. Class NU flwthermore umlauts the stem (i.e.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="6"> replaces a, o, ,it,, au with ii, 5, ii, iiu, respectively), as does (:lass NR (e.g. Mann 'man', pl \]VIiinncr), which adds - er.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="7"> The remaining (:lasses (NM, NWN, and NWS) t'onn their plural ill -n (e.g. Schraube 'screw', pl Sch, rauben). The nonnominative singular stenl in class NWN (e.g. lIasc 'hare', gen sg Hasen) and class NWS (e.g. Glaubc 'belief', gen sg Glaubcns) is identical with the phlral fornL while N\VN excel&gt; (;iolmlly adds no -s in genitive singular.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="8"> All (:lasses except NA build dative plural by adding -n (;o the phn'al Ibrm if it is not already present (e.g. Miinncr 'men', dat pl Miinncrn but Itascn 'hares', dat pl Hascn).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="9">  Various proposals have been made for the representation of inflectional morphology within constraint-based frameworks like HPSG (cf. Pollard (1994)). We neither adopt a word-syntax al)proach like that of (Krieger and Nerbonne, 1.993) assunfing lexical entries tbr inflectional affixes as well as roots, nor do we make use of lexical rules, as (Meurers and Minnen, 1997) do.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="10"> Instead, we follow (Riehemmm, 1.998) in formulating hierarchically structured schemata of the kind she has developed for derivational morphology l)ut apply them here to inflection and thus carry out a kind of inflectional analysis without lexical rules as projected by (Erjavec, 1996). Our schemata capture inflectional paradigms and can be regarded as rela.tional constraints that relate stems, affixes, and inflected lexical forms.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="11"> Figure 1 shows our hierarchy of inttectional schemata, wlfile figure 2 illustrates a concrete schema, namely that tbr the schwa plural of inflectional (:lass NS. Ill figure 2 l;he attribute ftype stands fbr the intlectional class. The attributes flex, surf, and base represent strings, namely the inflectional ending, surface (i.e. inflected) tbrm, and base form respectively. The symbol @ denotes the reduced vowel \[o\] (schwa), and - designates negated values.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="12"> Lexical entries are assmned only for basic lexical signs (i.e. uninflected but possibly derived or compounded). Inflected lexical signs result from the interaction of these lexical entries and the inflectional sehenlata. Figure 3 gives the basic lexical sign (with the onfission of feature specifications that are irrelewmt for this discussion) for Hund 'dog', which is of class NS, followed by the inflected lexical sign tbr Hunde 'dogs', in which the value of the attribute moph (i.e. morphophonology) is an extension of the schema for schwa phlral given in figure 2.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="13"> The inflectional classes assigned to basic lexical signs are modelled as formal types in the hierarchical structure specified in figure 4. Note that the leaves of this tree correspond exactly to the inflectional classes of German nouns as described above in {}2.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="14"> Morphophonemic and morlfltographemic alterna- null (;ions as shown in nominative plural Zcit-cn 'tinles' but Gabel-n 'forks' are also covered ill our description. Here (he real(sat(on of the plural ending -'n del)ends on the shape of tlm noun steul (nalnely, whether or not it ends in a schwa syllable). In agreement with (Bird and Klein, 1994) and (Er\]avec, 1996), we capture such alternations declaratively in a one-level model without recourse to transducers.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="15"> Our treatment of umlaut adopts part of the techniques of (%'ost, 1993).</Paragraph>
  </Section>
class="xml-element"></Paper>