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<?xml version="1.0" standalone="yes"?> <Paper uid="W03-1403"> <Title>Is there a way to represent metaphors in WordNets? Insights from the Hamburg Metaphor Database</Title> <Section position="5" start_page="3" end_page="6" type="metho"> <SectionTitle> ITICS IS FIGHT metaphor will thus highlight the </SectionTitle> <Paragraph position="0"> competitive aspects of politics: POLITICS in this metaphor is narrowed down to POLITICAL COM-PETITION. This COMPETING scene has physical aspects or at least physical &quot;roots&quot; and is an example of a conventional metaphor, &quot;a metaphor we are hardly ever conscious of&quot;, because it is one of the ordinary ways of talking about politics (cf.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="1"> Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 5)). The metaphorically used lexemes of the HMD example sentences and their EWN synsets show that several elements of a FIGHT scene, as well as the name of the event itself, are present in the mapping: AF Names for the whole event are CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV and CUguerre:1CV.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="2"> AF Names for events or scenes seen from the perspective of one of the participants are CUd'efendre:3 lutter pour:2CV '[argue in defense] of causes, principles, or ideas', CU'ecraser:3CV 'make ineffective', CUperte:7CV 'the act of losing', CUtriomphe:1 victoire:1CV and CUrevanche:1CV. With the exception of CUd'efendre:3 lutter pour:2CV, which can be used to refer to the whole action, cause or purpose of a FIGHT as well as of POLITICS, all the events denoted by these synsets occur only at certain moments of the FIGHT, or of a specific political action.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="3"> AF Finally, the metaphorical synset CUvainqueur:1 triomphateur:1 gagnant:1CV is used to refer to one of the participants in the POLITICAL COMPETITION, with respect to its outcome.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="4"> It turns out from this analysis that meronymy and participant (EWN: &quot;INVOLVED&quot;) relations also play a role in the mapping of this conceptual metaphor. Unfortunately, the synsets CUguerre:1CV and CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV, which represent the concepts of the whole competing event, and the other involved synsets, do not display many of these relations in the French EWN. Consulting EWN, we find only the following non-taxonomic relations (i.e. neither hyperonymic nor hyponymic relations) for all the synsets mentioned above as referring to mapped aspects of the event: AF CUguerre:1CV has mero part CUbataille:2 confrontation:1 conflit:1 lutte:5 combat:1CV 'an engagement fought between two military forces' AF CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV has mero part CUcoup:3CV 'a powerful stroke with the fist or weapon'</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="6"> tant who loses the contest' AF CUtriomphe:1 victoire:1CV antonym CUd'efaite:2CV 'an unsuccessful ending' The stated subevents in this list are not bound to the overall event, and no participant relations are encoded for any event or subevent in EWN. This lack in relations means that the structure of the source domain is not visible from EuroWordNet.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="7"> Furthermore, it is sometimes difficult to tell whether a synset has an intended figurative meaning or not, let alone which synsets are related by a literal-figurative relation. Consider the conceptual-semantic relations of the synsets</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="9"> as represented in EWN, displayed in Figure 1. For two reasons, it is sensible to believe that the second one has a figurative meaning, as opposed to the first one: 1. CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV is defined as '[...];anycontest or strugggle', which might also refer to non-military and possibly non-physical violence.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="10"> 2. There are no other synsets containing the lexemes bataille and lutte for which a figurative reading in the 'conflict' sense would be possible. null On the other hand, the gloss of the synset CUcoup:3CV 'a powerful stroke with the fist or weapon', which is encoded to be a part of CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV, gives a clearly literal meaning to CUcoup:3CV, which results in an inconsistency between the possibly metaphorical sense of the holonym and the strictly literal sense of the meronym (part).</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="11"> A POLITICAL PARTY IS A FAMILY. Another conceptual metaphor that turns out to be frequent in the politics domain, at least in German texts, is the one in which a POLITICAL PARTY (&quot;PARTEI&quot;) is viewed in terms of a FAMILY (&quot;FAMILIE&quot;).</Paragraph> <Section position="1" start_page="4" end_page="5" type="sub_section"> <SectionTitle> This </SectionTitle> <Paragraph position="0"> conceptual metaphor is mainly a mapping of one social group to another (cf. Eilts and L&quot;onneker (2002, 107)). A query for these source and target domains yields 20 results for German, which will be the sub-ject of the following analysis.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="1"> A closer look at the synsets shows a slightly different picture from what we obtained in the last analysis. 19 distinct lexemes are used, but only five of them are present in German EWN synsets. These refer mainly to individual family members: Vater 'father', Bruder 'brother', Schwester 'sister', Enkel 'grandchild', out of which only Vater can be found in a figurative synset (CUVater:2CV 'a person who holds an important or distinguished position in some organization [. . . ]').</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="2"> The low coverage of the lexemes is also due to the current practice in HMD not to encode parts of compounds as individual lexemes (cf.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="3"> Eilts and L&quot;onneker (2002, 107)). In doing so, the following additional family member lexemes covered by the German EWN would appear: Mutter 'mother' (cf. Mutterpartei), Vetter 'cousin' (cf. Vetternwirtschaft), and three further occurrences of A different conceptual source domain for POLITICAL PARTY attested in HMD is BUILDING.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="4"> Vater (cf. Vaterfigur, Vatermord, &quot; Ubervater). The most direct mapping of the metaphor is indeed represented in the lexeme Parteifamilie 'family of a political party', which summarises the whole conceptual metaphor in one word. While it would be interesting to further discuss the topic of German compounds, for the sake of brevity we will go on to other aspects of the conceptual metaphor that are concerned by the mapping.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="5"> In addition to a neutral reference to individual family members, two other referring methods can be detected from the metaphorically used lexemes not encoded in the German EWN: 1. collective nouns for younger members of the family: Nachwuchs 'offspring' (in the compounds Nachwuchskraft, Nachwuchspolitiker and Parteinachwuchs); 2. subconcepts or referring expressions encom null passing specific role/character attributions: Ziehkind 'foster child' and Patriarch 'patriarch'. null In the German EWN, family member synsets are not linked to the family synset (CUFamilie:1CV) itself. It seems that with a few synset additions to the German EWN, compound splitting, and the connection of the family members to the family synset using the has holo member relation, the mapping of this conceptual metaphor could be implemented more easily than the one previously discussed. However, as further elements in the mapping show, also this social group metaphor can be extended to an event metaphor. The lexemes Erbe (covered by the German EWN as CUErbe:1CV 'any acquisition from past generations', represented also in the compound Erblast) and Hinterlassenschaft, which could be added to the CUErbe:1CV synset but has also other senses, actually denote &quot;participants&quot; in the semantic patient role of an event. The &quot;inheritage&quot; (in form of qualities, power and achievements, but also negative characteristics and problems) is handed over from one member of the political party, usually mapped to the father of the family, to other members, preferably younger or less experienced ones. Cf. the corresponding verb synset in the German EWN: CUvererben:1 hinterlassen:1CV.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="6"> Only this inheriting event conveys also meaning to the position of these members in the political party.</Paragraph> </Section> <Section position="2" start_page="5" end_page="6" type="sub_section"> <SectionTitle> 2.2 Mappings in the SPORTS domain </SectionTitle> <Paragraph position="0"> SPORTS IS FIGHT. Turning to the field of sports, we query the Hamburg Metaphor Database for all French examples of the target domain SPORTS (&quot;SPORT&quot;). In the 34 results, the list of source domains shows that FIGHTING (&quot;KAMPF&quot;, 16 times), also in its special form of WAR (&quot;KRIEG&quot;, 8 times), is the predominant source metaphorically used to view this target domain.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="1"> The following analysis will be based on the 24 French examples instantiating either the conceptual metaphor SPORTS IS FIGHT (&quot;SPORT IST KAMPF&quot;) or SPORT IS WAR (&quot;SPORT IST KRIEG&quot;). 21 distinct lexemes occur in the examples; only two of them are not represented in any synset in the French EWN, the others instantiate 6 distinct synsets with literal meaning and 13 distinct synsets with figurative meaning, following the interpretation of HMD.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="2"> Even more clearly than in the POLITICS IS FIGHT conceptual metaphor, the resulting synsets show that not only the event itself, but several aspects of the FIGHT event are mapped across domains in the SPORTS IS FIGHT (containing SPORTS IS WAR) metaphor. The examples analysed are from a football corpus and can be narrowed down to A MATCH (as a sports event) IS A FIGHT.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="3"> The mapped aspects of the event are enumerated in the list below. If a synset is contained in the French EWN only in a literal meaning, we indicate this by the addition of [L]. Note that events and subevents can equally be expressed by verb or noun synsets.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="4"> 1. There are synsets referring to the entire FIGHT event matched to the SPORTS event: CUcombat:2 bagar[r]e:1 bataille:4 lutte:1CV, CUlutter:4 se battre:4CV 'be engaged in a fight; carry on a fight' [L], CUguerre:1CV [L].</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="5"> 2. Actions of a participant or several participants collectively are represented by CU'ecraser:3CV physical aggression, fight. Target domain: competition&quot;(Lakoff et al., 1991, 66)) and COMPETITION IS WAR (8 times). 'make ineffective', CUd'efier:1 provoquer:1CV &quot;Fischer challenged Spassky to a match&quot;, CUmanoeuvre:1CV 'a move made to gain a tactical end', CUarmer:2 consolider:3 renforcer:1CV 'support or hold steady, as if with a brace'.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="6"> 3. Singular actions occurring during the event, in which a &quot;hostile action&quot; is performed not against a person, but against an object (here: the ball), are represented in CUcoup:5CV 'the act of swinging or striking at a ball [...]',CUfrapper:7CV 'hit a ball'.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="7"> 4. The result of the event or of a subevent seen from a participant-dependent view is present in CUtriomphe:1 victoire:1CV and CUconqu^ete:2CV 'the act of conquering' [L].</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="8"> 5. The participants of the event can be identified by the synsets CUadversaire:2 opposant:1 partie adverse:1CV 'a hostile person who tries to do damage to you', CUopposant:2 adversaire:1 ennemi:3CV 'a contestant that you are matched against' and CUagresseur:1 attaquant:1CV 'person who attacks someone' [L]. For some of the participants, collective nouns are used: ing' [L] (here used to refer to one of the football players and his special qualities).</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="9"> In some examples, a quite radical type switching occurs. Actions performed by at least one person, as subevents of the sports event (match), are represented in EWN only in synsets denoting the participants performing these actions: CUattaque:6CV 'the team that has the ball (or puck) and is trying to score' (here in ^etre `a l'attaque), CUd'efense:3CV 'the team that is trying to prevent the other team from scoring' (here in faire une grosse d'efense). A place involved in the source domain, CUcamp:4 bivouac:1CV 'temporary living quarters, specially built by the army for soldiers', is used to refer to the players of a team and only attested by camp in the corpus.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="10"> The uncovered lexemes instantiate still other aspects of the event. Duel 'duel' refers to a part of the event from a participant-independent view, while the remaining lexeme, offensif 'aggressive', characterises one of the participants or his actions. Again, with the exception of some antonymy encodings, there are no relations in EWN binding any of these elements together.</Paragraph> </Section> </Section> <Section position="6" start_page="6" end_page="6" type="metho"> <SectionTitle> 3 Implementation issues </SectionTitle> <Paragraph position="0"> Based on the results of the analyses in Section 2, the idea of a composite index for regular metaphorical mappings which was brought forward by Alonge and Castelli (2002a) and Alonge and Castelli (2002b) will be discussed. A necessary continuation of the work by Alonge and Castelli, who do not deal with implementation details, is to discuss this issue in more depth.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="1"> Alonge and Castelli propose to deal with metaphorical mappings using a kind of composite index. This sort of index has already been in use in form of a composite Inter-Lingual-Index during the construction of EWN and accounted for regular metonymic polysemy (cf. Section 1). Figure 2 shows an example of an existing composite ILI from EWN. It indicates that there is a metonymic polysemy of the lexeme country, which has three senses (cf. &quot;gloss&quot;): 1. territory which has been singled out for some purpose; 2. the people of a nation or country or a community of persons bound by a common heritage; 3. the people, government and territory of a state. The effect of the composite ILI is that each synset identified by one of the three target ILIs contains an eq metonym relation to the composite ILI, and this in all languages involved in EWN. By accessing this relation from one of the individual synsets, the user can thus see which synsets are bound together by the metonymic relation. However, considering figurativity aspects, there is no rule defining which synset should be the literal one, and this information cannot be obtained accessing the synsets.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="2"> Let us consider an encoding of the conceptual metaphor POLITICS IS FIGHT in such a composite index. As we have seen, all encoded aspects of this metaphor are in some way related to an over-</Paragraph> </Section> <Section position="7" start_page="6" end_page="7" type="metho"> <SectionTitle> 1 VARIANTS 2 LITERAL &quot;country&quot; 3 SENSE 1 2 LITERAL &quot;country&quot; 3 SENSE 2 2 LITERAL &quot;country&quot; 3 SENSE 3 </SectionTitle> <Paragraph position="0"> can be referred to by the French literal guerre 'war'.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="1"> In a composite index for the conceptual metaphor A POLITICAL CONFLICT IS A WAR it could be stated that guerre means 'an armed conflict against an enemy', but also (figuratively) 'a political conflict'. The figurative synset does not yet exist in EWN, so it should be created. A similar composite index could be used to bind together already existing different senses of lutte 'fight'. The respective parts of the composite index entries are shown in Figure 3.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="2"> This representation would ensure eq metaphor links from all included synsets to the composite index entry. Though, it would still not be clear which synset bears the literal meaning. As there could be several figurative meanings derived from the same literal synset (for example, a figurative meaning of guerre 'a sports event' could be added), the index would not solve the problem of telling whether a literal-figurative relation exists between given synsets, and even whether a synset has a figurative meaning or not. A convention could be established that the first synset mentioned in the composite index entry has to be the literal one. However, if the composite index exists for each language separately, as it might be requested because of different use of conceptual metaphors in different languages, and if it covers only the existing literal and metaphorical synsets, there seems to be no need to encode the literal-figurative relation at a higher level than the synset itself. A new conceptual-semantic relation like derived from literal could be used as well, and would keep track of the direction of the mapping.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="3"> Alonge and Castelli (2002b) note that a composite index for metaphors could account for more than one mapping and mention as an example the regular polysemy of motion verbs which can be used to metaphorically refer to stages in a love relationship. As a result of the analyses performed on data from the Hamburg Metaphor Database and the implementation possibilities presented above, it turns out that indeed a composite index can only be useful if it accounts for several, and ideally for all mappings which occur within one encompassing conceptual metaphor. Only a generalisation from one index entry to all synsets related to the source synset will be able to cover also novel metaphorical uses of words within existing conceptual metaphors.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="4"> As we have seen from the analyses, in most cases the most general mapping of the conceptual metaphor links a source event to a target event. This mapping is the one that will have to be manually encoded after analyses of texts dealing with different topics. However, for the mapping of all other aspects, metaphorical relations could be supposed and - in an automated or assisted way - added to the index. The fact of linking an entity to another by a metaphorical index should then result in the creation of corresponding synsets in the target domain for all entities (hyponyms, parts, participants, etc.) that are related to the source entity by sense relations. The easiest way to create such a (potential) metaphorical synset would be to copy the lexemes of the literal synset and to add a predefined gloss.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="5"> For example, if a metaphorical relation is installed between CUguerre:1CV and the newly created CUguerre:2CV, metaphorical synsets and relations for all its hyponyms, parts, subevents, participants etc., as mentioned in the analyses, should also be created. Standard glosses with variables for the different mapped events and elements would adapt to these new synsets. For example, in the gloss a[CU^etre:1 mortel:1 mortel:1 homme:7CV] that participates in a [POLITICAL COMPETITION] and can be compared to a [CUvainqueur:1 triomphateur:1 gagnant:1CV] that participates in a[n] [ARMED CONFLICT] the event names are taken from the glosses of target and source event respectively, and the participant description (its topmost hyperonym as well as its source name) from the source synset. For more details on WordNet glosses, cf. Pala and Smrz (2002).</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="6"> This method of adding a composite index for global conceptual metaphors has its limits for different reasons: AF First of all, the status of the French and German EWN do not allow such a mapping, because they encode only very few non-taxonomic relations. Some examples from the analyses even show that the set of encodable relations from EWN would not be sufficient to cover the structure of all domains. Analyses of source domains in the framework of semantic frames (Fillmore and Atkins, 1994) or concept frames (L&quot;onneker, 2002) can help identifying needed conceptual-semantic relationships and instantiations of them.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="7"> AF A lot of figurative synsets are already present in EWN and often differ slightly from the literal synsets in their lexemes, so that many duplicates would be created.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="8"> AF Automatically created index entries would contain no information about whether an individual mapping is actually attested or not.</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="9"> Cf. also the FrameNet Database: http://framenet.icsi.berkeley.edu [27 April 2003].</Paragraph> <Paragraph position="10"> These considerations show that there is still a lot of work to do before a representation of whole structures of conceptual metaphors can be envisaged. Based on detailed analyses of corpora from different domains, the coverage of source domains both in synsets and in relations has to be improved, and the status of individual synsets regarding their level of figurativity has to be clarified. It can be hoped that new tools like VisDic (Pavelek and Pala, 2002; Horak et al., 2003) and DEB (SmrVz and Povoln'y, 2003) for editing lexical databases will enable the integration of independent further developments of EWN (for example GermaNet) with EWN data and the creation of new relationships.</Paragraph> </Section> class="xml-element"></Paper>