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<Paper uid="W06-2109">
  <Title>German Particle Verbs and Pleonastic Prepositions</Title>
  <Section position="4" start_page="57" end_page="58" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
2 Characteristic Features of Particle
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"/>
    <Section position="1" start_page="57" end_page="58" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
Verbs and Spatial Prepositions
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> Spatial prepositions are binary relations between two entities, where one of the entities is located with respect to a region de ned by the second entity, speci ed through the preposition. The meaning of a two-way preposition depends on the case of the PP: if it is in the dative, its reading will be interpreted as a static, non-directional localisation, while the accusative triggers a directional interpretation. In the latter case the preposition implies a change of location of the theme referent from an unspeci ed region into the neighbouring region of the relatum (Witt, 1998).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> In this paper we only deal with spatial prepositions, ignoring lexicalised prepositions without semantic content, as in (6): (6) Sie wartet auf den Bus.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> She wait-3Sg for Det bus.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> 'She is waiting for the bus.' Dalrymple (2001) refers to (6) as idiosyncratic case, because the lexical form of the preposition is not related to the semantic role of the argument, while oblique arguments which are marked according to the semantic role of the argument are assigned semantic case. Particle verbs formed by two-way prepositions always have a semantic content. null The semantics of verb particles basing on spatial prepositions is equivalent to the semantics of the prepositions. They are also binary, but the internal argument of the relation is not explicitly expressed in the argument structure of the complex verb, but can be omitted (see examples (3) and (4)). The semantics of the particle is integrated into the semantics of the base verb which requires a directional complement.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> In example (5) both particle verb and pleonastic PP occur together. Here the PP speci es the implicit reference object of the particle verb, and its relation of localisation is congruent with the directional semantics of the particle.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5"> These characteristic features of particle verbs and spatial prepositions are constitutive for the classi cation into semantic verb classes given in Section 3.</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
  <Section position="5" start_page="58" end_page="59" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
3 Corpus-Based Classi cation of Particle
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"/>
    <Section position="1" start_page="58" end_page="58" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
Verbs with Pleonastic Prepositions
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> The classi cation of particle verbs with pleonastic prepositions into semantic verb classes is based on the proposals by Witt (1998) extented by the results of our own corpus research.1 Witt's classi cation only considers particle verbs with the particle ein-. He divides them into three major groups: compositional formations, regular formations and non-compositional formations, which can be further subclassi ed into more ne-grained subclasses (Figure 1).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1">  1. Compositional Formations (a) Verb bases are causative Verbs of Localisation (b) Verb bases are (static) Verbs of Localisation (c) Verb bases are intransitive Verbs of Motion (d) Verb bases are transitive Verbs of Motion (Transport Verbs) 2. Regular Formations (a) Verb Bases are Activity-Verbs (b) Verb Bases are 'eingravieren (to engrave)'-Verbs 3. Non-Compositional Formations: Extensions of Meaning (a) Verb Bases are ein-Verbs with the meaning: 'downward, inward, into itself' (b) Verb Bases are ein-Verbs with the meaning: 'to enclose something'  In contrast to Witt, our classi cation includes all two-way prepositions as verb particles. As we are trying to explain the behaviour of particle verbs in regard to their ability to combine with pleonastic PPs, we divide the corpus data into the following groups: particle verbs licensing pleonastic PPs in the accusative only (Group A), particle verbs licensing pleonastic PPs in the dative only (Group B) and particle verbs which are able to govern either accusative or dative PPs (Group C).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> Each of these groups can be divided into a number of subgroups, formed by different semantic verb types. Figure 2 gives an overview of our classi cation scheme.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3">  of the Digital Dictionary of German Language (DWDS) (http://www.dwds.de/textbasis) and the corpora of the Institute of German Language (IDS) in Mannheim (http://www.ids-mannheim.de/cosmas2).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> 1. Group A (combine only with accusative PPs) (a) Verb bases are (static) Verbs of Localisation (b) Verb bases are intransitive Verbs of Motion (c) Verb bases are transitive Verbs of Motion (Transport Verbs) (d) Verb bases are Verbs of Perception (e) Verb bases express a Change of State 2. Group B (combine only with dative PPs) (a) Verb bases are (static) Verbs of Localisation (b) Verb bases are intransitive Verbs of Motion (c) Verb bases are (causative) Verbs of Position 3. Group C (combine with accusative and dative PPs) (a) Verb bases are intransitive Verbs of Motion (b) Verb bases are transitive Verbs of Motion</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="2" start_page="58" end_page="59" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.1 Group A
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> The verbs in Group A licence PPs in the accusative and have a directional reading. Group A includes Verbs of Motion, Verbs of Localisation, Transport Verbs, and two further subgroups: verbs whose meaning can be interpreted as a Direction of Perception and verbs which express the Localisation of a Change of State.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> Verbs of Motion include einfahren 'to drive into' or aufspringen 'to jump on' and can be dened as follows: there is an X which undergoes a change of location, whereby X is in a particular manner of motion and moves in the speci ed direction into a not further speci ed neighbour region which is de ned through the relatum.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> Verbs of Localisation licencing PPs in the accusative are rather rare. Only one example is attested in the corpus: einmcurrency1unden 'to discharge into'. Here an X is described, which can be localised relativ to a Y in a particular direction. The rarity of those verbs is probably due to the more static character of localisation, which contradicts the implicit directional reading of the accusative case marking.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> Transport Verbs such as eingie en 'to pour in', einfcurrency1uhren 'to insert' and also verbs with more metaphorical readings like einbinden (in die Kon- null ventionen einbinden, 'to weave sth into social conventions'), can be de ned in the following way: there is an X which causes a change of location for a Y, whereby Y is set into a particular manner of motion and is moved in a speci ed direction.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> Direction of Perception verbs include einfcurrency1uhlen 'to empathise', einsehen 'to see' or einhcurrency1oren 'to listen'.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5"> Localisation of a Change of State verbs include aufblcurrency1ahen 'to bloat', aufheizen 'to heat up', angleichen 'to conform to something' or aufrunden 'to round up'. Here the particle expresses the direction to the changed, new state.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="6"> All particle verbs in Group A can be interpreted as having a directional reading.</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="3" start_page="59" end_page="59" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.2 Group B
Particle Verbs in Group B licence pleonastic PPs
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> in the dative. They can be divided into the following subgroups: Verbs of Localisation, Verbs of</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="4" start_page="59" end_page="59" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
Movement and Position Verbs.
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> Verbs of Localisation also occur in Group A, but here they have a static, non-directional interpretation of localisation. Examples for this are verbs like einquartieren 'to quarter', anstehen 'to queue', au iegen 'to bear on' or zwischenlagern 'to store temporarily'.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> (7) anPARTstehen (PART + to stand-to queue).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> More formally they can be described as follows: There is an X which is in a particular state (e.g. in the state of standing) and can be localised in a speci c relation to a reference object.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> Verbs of Motion include vorfahren 'to drive up' or hinterherhecheln 'to pand after someone'. They can be de ned as follows: there is an X which undergoes a change of location, whereby X is in a particular manner of motion, moving into the speci ed direction relative to the position of the relatum. These verbs clearly include an implicit direction, but in comparison to the Verbs of Motion in Group A their reading allows for the possibility that X is already in the same region as the relatum, while the verbs in Group A describe the intrusion of an X from the outside into a not further speci ed neighbour region.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> Verbs of Position include aufstellen 'to array', aufbahren 'to lay out' or hinterlegen 'to deposit'. The de nition states that there is an X which causes a Y to change its position, whereby Y is in a particular manner of motion, moving into a speci ed direction. The focus hereby is not on the movement but on the result of the event.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5"> The verbs in Group B normaly have a nondirectional, static interpretation, but they may also allow for a directional interpretation, if theme referent and relatum are both positioned in the same speci ed region (8).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="6"> (8) Sie stellt die Leiter [PP auf dem Podest] auf. She put-3-Sg Det ladder [PP on Det platform] Part. 'She puts the ladder up on the platform.' Here it is not the direction of a motion which is described by the particle (the ladder may already have been lying on the platform), but a change of the orientation of the referent in relation to the relatum (the ladder has changed its orientation and is in a more or less vertical position now).</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="5" start_page="59" end_page="59" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
3.3 Group C
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> Group C consists of particle verbs which can be followed by a pleonastic PP in the accusative or dative. The subgroups of Group C include Verbs of Motion like einsickern 'to soak into', einmarschieren 'to march in', anspcurrency1ulen 'to be washed up' or vorladen 'to subpoena', and Transport Verbs such as aufhcurrency1angen 'to hang', einschieben 'to insert', einrcurrency1aumen 'to place in' or andocken 'to dock'. Group C also consists of verbs which express an Inclusion into an Environment, Institution or Abstract Area like eingliedern 'to incorporate', zwischenschalten 'to interpose', aufreihen 'to string' or auffcurrency1adeln 'to bead'. Another verb group which belongs to Group C are verbs which express the Localisation of Effects of Action like einprcurrency1agen 'to impress', einbrennen 'to burn-in', eintcurrency1atowieren 'to tattoo' or aufdrucken 'to imprint'.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> The following example illustrates the semantic effect of the choice of case for the PP for the verbs in Group C:  (9) sickert in die Erde ein soak.3.Sg in Det.Acc soil PART 'soaks into the soil' (10) sickert in der Erde ein soak.3.Sg in Det.Dat soil PART 'soaks the soil' Example (9) describes an event where an X 60 (rainwater) undergoes a directed motion during which it enters into the region of the reference object Y (the soil). In (10) the situation is different: X is already located in the region of Y and now is in the process of soaking through that region.  Characteristic for the verbs in Group C is their directionality reading when going together with a pleonastic PP in the accusative. When they are combined with the dative, the particle still has its directional character, but in contrast to the particle verbs in Group A the directionality does not include an intrusion into another region but can be interpreted as a movement inside of the region given by the reference object.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2"> Summarizing the results we can say that for Group C the particle can have different functions which in uence the choice of case marking for the PPs governed by the verb. If the particle has a nondirectional reading, then only PPs in the dative are allowed. If the particle expresses directional information, then a further analysis is needed: it has to be examined whether the semantics of the particle verb includes the intrusion into a new region speci ed by the preposition. In this case the PP has to be in the accusative. If the semantics of the verb does not express an intrusion into a new region, then the dative is chosen. Only particle verbs whose semantics allow for a directional and a locative interpretation belong to group C.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> In Section 2 we noted that the semantics of the verb particle is equivalent to the semantics of the preposition, and that the PP speci es the implicit reference object of the particle verb. However, this is only true for PPs with accusative case marking. The prepositions in PPs which are in the dative express a locative relation rather than a direction, so their reference object can not be the same as the one implicitly included in the verb particle. On the syntactic level this results in them having a different grammatical function: the accusative PP can be considered as a verb complement, while the dative PP is a free adjunct, modifying the information of the verb particle. Therefore only accusative PPs are pleonastic .</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
  <Section position="6" start_page="59" end_page="63" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
4 Description of Particle Verbs with
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> This section will show how the framework of Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) can be used to describe the particular behaviour of particle verbs and pleonastic prepositions.</Paragraph>
    <Section position="1" start_page="59" end_page="59" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
4.1 Short Introduction to LFG
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> LFG has a layer of representation for constituent structure (c-structure), where surface information is expressed through CFG trees, and a functional layer (f-structure) for expressing grammatical functions such as subject, object and adjunct. In the f-structure each argument of a predicate is assigned a particular grammatical function. This two-level representation is based on the idea that while surface representations may differ considerably between various languages, f-structures tend to be more abstract and invariant representations.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1"> The correspondence between the two layers is many-to-one: different nodes in the c-structure may be associated with the same f-structure component. The c-structure is determined by phrase structure rules as in (11), while the annotation in (12) links the c-structure categories to the corresponding grammatical functions in the f-structure.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3"> LFG is a non-transformational theory, syntactic phenomena are treated locally through the speci cation of rules and constraints in the lexicon.</Paragraph>
    </Section>
    <Section position="2" start_page="59" end_page="63" type="sub_section">
      <SectionTitle>
4.2 Using LFG to Describe Particle Verbs
with Pleonastic Prepositions
</SectionTitle>
      <Paragraph position="0"> The LFG formalisation developed here follows and substantially extends the treatment of particle verbs and prepositional phrases in the LFG grammar for German in (Berman and Frank, 1996) and (Butt, King, Ni no and Segond, 1999).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="1">  Figure 4 shows the lexical entry for the German particle verb einfahren 'to drive into' as described in (Berman and Frank, 1996).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="2">  (Berman and Frank, 1996) The predicate (PRED) shows the argument structure of the verb, while the attribute VERB-TYPE explicitly describes the verb as a particle verb. The FORM attribute contains the lexical form of the particle and is formulated as a constraint (=c) to check that the particle is lexically lled. The particle itself has no PRED value of its own but is analysed as part of the complex verb. German prepositional phrases can either occur as prepositional objects or as adjuncts. According to Berman and Frank (1996) the second group is further subdivided into adjuncts which are sub-categorized by the verb and free adjuncts. Accordingly, in the analysis of (Berman and Frank, 1996), each two-way preposition has three lexical entries. In their analysis, prepositional objects are governed by the verb and have no PRED attribute of their own. The lexical form of the preposition and also its case are determined by the verb. The value of the PCASE attribute is assigned the lexical form of the preposition, while the preposition is not able to subcategorize an object.2 As for adjuncts subcategorized by the verb no particular preposition is selected in (Berman and Frank, 1996), but the verb determines the semantic content of the preposition (eg: LOC, DIR). The preposition has its own PRED attribute and subcategorizes an object (Figure 5).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="3">  for preposition auf 'on' (adjunct subcategorized by the verb) Free adjuncts on the other hand must have the 2Prepositional objects are of no concern here, because the paper deals with spatial prepositions which always have a semantic content.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="4"> semantic content LOC. Like the rst type of adjuncts they have their own PRED attribute and subcategorize an object, but their semantic content is de ned by the ROLE attribute (Figure 6).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="5">  for auf 'on' (free adjunct)  We concentrate on the formalisation of the particle verbs in Group C which can either licence a pleonastic PP in the accusative or a PP in the dative. Extending the analysis in (Berman and Frank, 1996) we provide two f-structure con gurations, depending on the case of the governed PP.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="6">  Here the pleonastic PP in the accusative saturates the argument OBL DIR subcategorized by the particle verb. Figure 8 gives the f-structure for example (10), where the particle verb combines with a  'soaks into the soil' In contrast to Figure 7 the dative PP in Figure 8 does not contribute any information to the argument OBL DIR subcategorized by the verb but is represented in the adjunct set. The verb particle saturizes the OBL DIR argument, and the PRED attribute of the object of OBL DIR is assigned the value PRO. This enables the PRED value to behave like a variable which can be uni ed with any other value as in Figure 8, where both the particle and the pleonastic prepositional phrases add information to OBL DIR:OBJ:PRED.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="7">  In the f-structure in Figure 7 the pleonastic PP is subcategorized by the particle verb. Figure 9 shows the corresponding lexical entry for the verb. To prevent a locative PP in the dative from lling in the object position of the verb argument the lexical entry speci es that the object has to be assigned accusative case.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="8">  However, as shown in example (4) the pleonastic PP can be omitted. In this case the argument OBL DIR subcategorized by the particle verb is provided by the particle ein- whose lexical entry is given in Figure 10.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="10"> Figure 10: Lexical entry for the particle ein In contrast to (Berman and Frank, 1996), in our representation the particle is assigned the PRED value 'in' in the lexicon. The cause for the divergence between the lexical form of the particle and its PRED value is due to the fact that the particle ein- historically is derived from the preposition in and regarding its semantic features is comparable to the other two-way prepositions where particle and preposition have the same lexical form.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="11"> The attributes PSEM and PCASE are added to the representation of the verb particles in Berman and Frank (1996). They are derived from the attribute set for prepositions, indicating the analogy in the semantics of particle and preposition.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="12"> PSEM always has the value '+' for particle verbs formed by spatial prepositions, because they always have a semantic content. The attribute PCASE expresses the directionality in the semantics of the verb particle ( (|PCASE) = DIR).</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="13"> The predicate of the particle licences an object and behaves like a directional preposition. However, the object position is not lexically lled and therefore is assigned the predicate value 'PRO'.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="14"> We also want to model the behaviour of the particle verb governing a locative PP in the dative (Figure 8). The lexical entry of the particle verb (Figure 9) explicitly requires accusative case assignment and prevents the locative dative PP from lling in the object position of the verb argument.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="15"> The locative dative PP is attached to the adjunct set in the grammar rule shown in Figure 11.3  on particle verbs with pleonastic PPs The rst PP in the grammar rule models the behaviour of a particle verb combining with one or more locative PPs in the dative. The constraint (|OBJ CASE)negationslash= acc ensures that this part of the rule will not be applied to a pleonastic PP with accusative case assignment.4 The second PP in the grammar rule captures a pleonastic PP in the accusative. The restriction that this PP has to be in the accusative is speci ed in the lexical entry for the particle verb (Figure 10). The last part of the rule expresses that the verb particle PART is also mapped to the OBL DIR ar- null gument of the complex verb and so is able to saturate the argument structure of the verb.</Paragraph>
      <Paragraph position="16"> The formalisation in Figure 8 and 9 is consistent with the analysis that the particle has an implicit reference object which is identical to the object of a pleonastic PP in the accusative, but not to the object of a dative PP. The formalisation gives an adequate description of the behaviour of particle verbs in Group C, but it does not suppress the licencing of a pleonastic accusative PP for verbs in Group B which combine with locative PPs in the dative only. This problem is solved through the speci cation of a constraint (=c) in the lexical entries for all particle verbs in Group B (Figure 12).  up' (Group B) The constraint checks that the predicate of the object in the OBL DIR f-structure is instantiated with the value 'PRO'. For all cases where the predicate is lexically realised, the constraint fails and thus the interpretation of pleonastic accusative PPs in the OBL DIR position for Group B verbs is suppressed. null</Paragraph>
    </Section>
  </Section>
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