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<Paper uid="P83-1002">
  <Title>FACTORING RECURSION AND DEPENDENCIES: AN ASPECT OF TREE ADJOINING GRAMMARS (TAG) AND A COMPARISON OF SOME FORMAL PROPERTIES OF TAGS, GPSGS, PLGS, AND LPGS *</Title>
  <Section position="1" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
FACTORING RECURSION AND DEPENDENCIES: AN ASPECT OF TREE ADJOINING GRAMMARS (TAG) AND
A COMPARISON OF SOME FORMAL PROPERTIES OF TAGS, GPSGS, PLGS, AND LPGS *
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> During the last few years there is vigorous activity In constructing highly constrained grammatical systems by eliminating the transformational component either totally or partially. There is increasing recognition of the fact that the entire range of dependencies that transformational grammars in their various incarnations have tried to account for can be satisfactorily captured by classes of rules that are non-transformational and at the same Clme highly constrlaned in terms of the classes of grammars and languages that they de fine.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> Two types of dependencies are especially important: subcategorlzatlon and filler-gap dependencies. Moreover,these dependencies can be unbounded. One of the motivations for transformations was co account for unbounded dependencies. The so-called non-transformational grammars account for the unbounded dependencies in different ways. In a cree-adJoinlng grammar (TAG), which has been introduced earlier in (Joshi,1982), unhoundedness is achieved by factoring the dependencies and recursion in a novel and, we belleve, in a linguistically interesting manner. All dependencies are defined on a finite set of basic structures (trees) which are bounded.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> Unhoundedness is then a corollary of a particular composition operation called ad~olnlng. There are thus no unbounded dependencies in a sense.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> In this paper, we will ~irsC briefly describe TAG's, which have the following Important properties: (l) we can represent the usual transformational relations more or less directly in TAG's, (2) the power of TAG's is only slightly more than that of context-free grammars (CFG's) in what appears to be Just the right way, and (3) TAG's are powerful enough to characterize dependencies (e.g., subcategorlzatlon, as in verb subcategorlzatlon, and filler-gap dependencies, as in the case of moved constltutents in wh-questlons) which might *GPSG: Generalized phrase structure grammar, PLG: Phrase linking grammar, and LFG: Lexlcal functional grannnar.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> This work is partially supported by the NSF Grant MCS 81-07290.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> be at unbounded distance and nested or crossed. We will then compare some of the formal properties of TAG's, GPSG*s,PLG's, and LFG*s, in particular, concerning (I) the types of languages, reflecting different patterns of dependencies that can or cannot be generated by the different types of grammars, (2) the degree of free word ordering permitted by different grammars, and (3) parsing complexity of the different gra--,-rs.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="2" start_page="0" end_page="0" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
2.TREE ADJOINING GRAMMAR(TAG)
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> A tree adjoining grammar (TAG), G = (I,A) consists of two finite sets of elementary trees.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> The trees in I will be called the initial trees and the trees in A, the auxiliary trees. A tree {~ is an initial tree if the root node of is labeled S and the frontier nodes are all terminal symbols (the interior nodes are all non-termlnals). A tree ~ is an auxiliary tree if the root node of ~ is labeled by a non-terminal, say, X, and the frontler nodes are all terminals except one which is also labeled X, the same label as that of the root. The node labeled by X on the frontier will be called the foot node of ~ . The internal nodes are non-terminals.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> ~t. ~ermfmJ$ , ,hAl~ As defined above, the initial trees and the auxiliary trees are not constrained in any manner other than as indicated above. The idea, however, is that both the initial and the auxiliary trees will be minimal in some sense. An initial tree will correspond to a minimal sententlal tree (i.e., for example, without recurslng on any non-terminal) and an auxiliary tree, with the root node and the foot node labeled X, will correspond to a minimal structure that must be brought into the derivation, if one recurses on X.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> * I wish to thank Bob Berwlck, Tim Finin, Jean Gallier, Gerald Gazdar, Ron Kaplan, Tony Kroch, Bill Marsh, Milch Marcus, Ellen Prince, Geoff Pullum, R. Shyamasundar, Bonnie Webber, Scott Weinstein, and Takashi Yokomori for their valuable comments We will now define a composition operation called adjoining (or adJunction) which composes an auxilia~ tree ~ with a tree ~ * ~t tree with a node labeled X and let ~ ~ an auxiliary tree ~th the root labeled X also.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4"> ~te Chat ~ ~st ~ve,by definition, a node (and only one)labeled X on the frontier.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> ~Jolnlng can now ~ defined as follows. If Is adjoining to ~ at the node n then the resulting tree ~ is as sho~ in Fig.l.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="7"> FiG, :L.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="8"> The tree t dominated by X in ~ is excised, ~ is inserted at the node n in and the tree t is attached to the foot node (labeled X) of ~ , i.e., ~ is inserted or 'adjoined' to the node n in ~ pushing t downwards. Note that adjoining is not a substitution operation in the usual sense. Example 2.1: Let G - (I,A) be a TAG where</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="10"> The root node and the foot node of each auxiliary tree is circled for convenience. Let us took at some derivations in G.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="11"> ~ wlll be adjoined to ~/o at the indicated node in ~ . The resulting tree  We can continue the derivation by ad~olnlng, say /@@, at S as indicated ingPS . The resulting tree ~fX is then</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="13"> Note that ~o is an initial tree# a sententiat tree. The derived trees yi and MR are also sentential trees, We will now define T(G): The set of all trees derived in G starting from the initial Crees in I. This set will be called the tree setof G.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="14"> LCG): The set of all terminal strings of the trees in TCG). This set will be called the strln~ language(or language) of G.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="15"> The relationship between TAG's CFG's and the corresponding string languages can be summarized as follows (Joehl, Levy, and Takahashl, 1975).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="16"> Theorem 2.1: For every CFG, G', there is an equivalent TAG, G, both weakly and strongly. Theorem 2.2: For every TAG, G, one of the following statements holds: (a)there is a cfg, G', that is both weakly and strongly equivalent to G, (b)there is a cfg,G', that is weakly  equivalent to G but not strongly equivalent to G, Or (3) there is no cfg, G', that is weakly equivalent to G.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="17"> Parts (a) and (c) appear in (Joshl, Levy,  and Takahashl, 1975). Part (b) is implicit in that paper, but it is important to state It explicitly as we have done here. For the TAG, G, in Example 2.1, it can be shown that there is a CFG, G', such that G&amp;quot; Is both weakly and strongly equivalent to O. Examples 2.2 and 2.3 below illustrate parts (b) and (c) respectively.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="19"> Is a cfl. Thus there must exist a CFG, G', which ts at least weakly equivalent to G. It can be shown however that there Is no CFG, G', which Is strongly ,equivalent to G,l.e., T(G)=T(G'). This follows from the fact that T(G), the tree set of G, is &amp;quot;non-recogntzab\]e',i.e., there is no finite state bottom to top automaton that can recognize precisely T(G). Thus a TAG may generate a cfl, yet assign structural descriptions to the strings that cannot be assigned by any CFG.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="20">  Example 2.3: Let C - (I,A) be a TAG where &amp;quot;\[: o&lt;d = S</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="22"> It can be shown that L(C) - L1 = { w e cn/ n ~ 0}, w is a string of a's and b's such that  (1) the number of a's = the number of b's and (2) for any initial substrlng of w, the number  of a's ~ the number of b's.} Ll can be characterized as follows. We start with the language L = ( (ba)&amp;quot;e c~/ n ~ 0 }. L! is then obtained by taking strings in L and moving (dtslocsttng) some a's to the left. It can be shown that L! is a strictly context-sensitlve language (csl), thus there can be no CFG that is weakly equivalent to G. TAG's have more power than CFG's, however, the extra power is quite limited. The language Ll has equal number of a's ,b's had c's; however, the a's and b's are mixed in a certain way. The Language L2 ={a~b~e cn/ n O} is similar to Li, except that all a's come before all b's. TAG's are not powerful to generate L2. The so-called copy inguage L3 ~ {w e w /w 6{a,b} P } also cannot be generated by a TAG.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="23"> The fact that TAG's cannot generate L2 and L3 is important, because it shows that TAG's are only slightly more powerful than CFG's. The way TAG's acquire this power is linguistically significant. With some modifications of TAG's or rather the operation of adjoinlnR, which Is linguistically motivated, it is possible to generate L2 and L3, but only in some special ways. (This modification consists of allowing for the possibility for checking ieft-riRht tree context(In terms of a proner analysis) as well as top-bottom tree context (in terms of domination) around the node at which adiunctlon is made. Thls is the notion of local constraints in (Joshi and Levy,1981)). Thus L2 and L3 in some ways characterize the limiting cases of context-sensitlvlty that can be achieved by TAG's and TAG's with local constraints.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="24"> In (JoshI,Levy, and Takahashi,1975) it is also shown that CFL's C TAL's C IL's ~ CSL's.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="25"> where IL's denotes indexed languages.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="26"> 3. We will now consider TAG's with links.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="27"> The elementary trees (initial and auxlliar-~ &amp;quot;-=trees) are the appropriate domains for characterizing certain dependencies. The domain of the dependency is de fined by the elementary tree itself. However, the dependency can be charaeCerlzed explicitly by introducing a special relationship between certain specLfled pairs of nodes of an elementary tree. This relationship is pictorially exhibited by an arc (a dotted line) from one node to the oti,er. For example, in the tree below, the nodes labeled B and q are linked, A</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="29"> We will require the following conditions to hold for a llnk In an elementary tree. If a node n\[ is tlnked to a node n2 then (1) n2 c-commands nl and (2) nl dominates a null string (or a temi.al symbol in the non-linguistic formal grammar examples).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="30"> The notion of a link introduced here is closely related to that of Peters and Rltchie (1982).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="31"> A TAG with links is a TAG where some of the elementary trees ~y have links as defined above. Henceforth, we may often refer to a TAG with links as just a TAG. Links are defined on the elementary trees. However, the important idea is that the composition operation of adjoining will preserve the links. Links defined on the elementary trees may become stretched as the derivation proceeds.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="32"> \[n a TAG the dependencies are defined on the elementary trees(which are bounded) and these dependencies are then preserved by the ad~olnlng(recurslve) operation. This is how rectlrsion and dependencies are factored in a TAG. This is in contrast to transformational grammars (TC) where recursion is defined in the base and the transformations essentially carry out the checking of the dependencies. The PiG's and LFG's share this aspect'of TG,i.e., tee.talon builds up a set of structures, some of which are filtered out by transfotn~atlons in a TG, by the constraints on linking in a PiG, and by the constraints introduced via functional structures in LFG. In a GPSG on the other hand, recurslon and the checking of the dependencies go hand in hand in a sense. In a TAG, dependencies are defined initially on bounded structures and recurslon simply preserves chem. In the APPENDIX we have given some examples to show how certain sentences could be deirved in a TAG.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="34"> ~C/ andes each have one link. ~%and ~63 show how the linking is preserved in adjoining. In ~ one of the links is stretched. It should be clear now, how, in general, the links will be preserved during the derivation. We note in this example that in ~C/ the dependencies between the a's and the b's as reflected tn the terminal string are properly nested, while in ~ two of them are properly nested, and the third one is cross-serlal and it is crossed with respect Co the nested ones. The two elementary trees /~ and Ps have only one link each. The nesttngs and crossings in ~ and ~3 are the result of adjoining. There are two points Co note here: (I) TAG's with links can characterize certain cross-serial dependencies as well as, of course, nested dependencies. (2) The cross-serial dependencies as well as the nested dependencies arise as a result of adjoining. But this is not the only way they can arise. It is possible to have two links in an elementary tree which represent crossed or nested dependencies, which will then be preserved during the derivation.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="35"> It is clear from Example 2.4 that the string language of TAG with links is not affected by the links. Thus if G is a TAG with links. Then L(G)-L(G') where G&amp;quot; is a TAG which is obtained from G by removing all the links in the elementary trees of G. The links do not affect the weak generative capacity. However, they make certain aspects of the structural description explicit, which is implicit in the TAG without the links.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="36"> TAG's (or TAL's) also have the following three impor~ant properties: (l) Limited cross-serial dependencies: Although TAG's permit cross-serial dependencies, these are restricted. The restriction is that if there are two sets of crossing dependencies, then they must be either disjoint or one of them must be properly nested inside the other.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="37"> Hence, languages such as the double copy language, L4 - {w e w e w / w ~ {a,b} ~} or L5 = {anb &amp;quot;@dne~/ n ~ \[} cannot be generated by TAG's. For details, see (Joshi,1983).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="38"> (2)Constant. ~rowth property: In a TAG,G,at each step of the derivation, we have a sententlal tree with the terminal string which is a string in L(G). As we adjoin an auxiliary tree, we augment the length of the terminal string by the length of the terminal string of (not counting the single non-terminal symbol in the frontier of ~ ).Thus for any string, w, of L(G), we have where wgls the terminal string of some initial tree and wg,l ~ i~ m, the terminal string of the \[-th auxiliary tree, assuming there are m auxiliary trees. Thus w is a linear combination of the length of the terminal string o~ some Inltial tree and the lengths of the terminal strings of the auxiliary trees. Th~ constant growth property severely restricts the class of languages generated by TAG's.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="39"> Hence,languages such as L6 = { a ~&amp;quot; / n ~ l} or L8 ~{a n% /n ~ \[} cannot be generated by TAG's. (3)Polynomial parstn~:TAL's can be parsed in time O(n~ )(Joshi and Yokomori, 1983).</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="40"> Whether or not an O(n5 ) algorithm exists for TAL's is not known at present.</Paragraph>
  </Section>
  <Section position="3" start_page="0" end_page="12" type="metho">
    <SectionTitle>
3. A COMPARISION OF GPSG's,TAG's,PFG's,and
LFG's WITH RESPECT TO SOME OF THEIR FORMAL
PROPERTIES
</SectionTitle>
    <Paragraph position="0"> TABLE I lists (i) a set of languages reflecting different patterns of dependencies Chat can or cannot be generated by the different types of grammars, and (li) the three properties Just mentioned ahove.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="1"> As regards the degree of free word order permitted by each grammar, the languages 1,2,3,4,5, and 6 In TABLE I give some idea of the degree of freedom. The language in 3 in TABLE I is the extreme case where the a's, b's,and c's can he any order, as long as the number of a's =the number of b's=the number of c'S. GPSG~and TAG's cannot generate this language (although for TAG's a proof is not in hand yet), LFG's can generate this language.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="2"> In a TAG for each elementary tree, we can add mare elementary trees, systematically generated from the given tree to provide additional freedom of word order (tn a somewhat simllar fashion as in (Pullum,1982)). Since the adjoining operation in a TAG gives some additional power to a TAG beyond chat of a CFG, this device of augmenting the set of elementary trees should give more freedom, for example, by allowing some limited scrambling of an item outside of the constituent it belongs co. Even then a TAG does not seem co be capable of generatlng the language in 3 in TABLE I. Thus there is extra freedom but it is quite limited. lwl., i'~.l~&amp;quot; al.lw~i+ %~w~l+ ---.a,.lw.l  then dislocating some a's to the left.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="3"> 2o Same as I above except that the dislocated a's are to the left of all b's..</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="4">  3. L={w / w is string of equal number of a's,b's and no c's but mixed in any order} 4deg L={x ~y/ n~l, x,y are strings of a's and b*s such that the number of a'sin x and y = the number of b's in x and y- n} 5. Same as above except that the length of x = length of y.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="5"> 6. L={w ~/ n~ t, w is string of a's and b's and the number of a's in w = the number of b's in w - n} 7. L={a ~b&amp;quot; c&amp;quot; In~l) 8. Lf{a n b ~ c n d&amp;quot;/n~t} 9. L={a~b ~ ~ d&amp;quot; ~ e/n 7 1} IO. L= {w w/ w is string of a's and b's}(copy language) 11. L=(w w wl w is string of a's and b's}(double copy language) 12. L=ia ~ c TM b ~ d m /m ~ l,n ~ 1} 13. L={a ~ ~ c W /n ~1, p ~ n) 14. L-{a ~ In~ It 15. L-{a nz /n~ 1} 16. Limited cross-serial dependencies.</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="6"> 17. Constant growth property 18. Polynomial parsing no yes yes yes yes no(?) no no yes</Paragraph>
    <Paragraph position="8"/>
  </Section>
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